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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
09 月26 日每日英语---佳能: 日美管理的混血儿

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09 月26 日
佳能: 日美管理的混血儿 Canon: A Japanese-American hybrid


御手洗富士(Fujio Mitarai)还在美国时,日本就走错了路。20年后,尽管他已回到家乡,并担任了日本一流科技公司佳能(Canon)的总裁兼首席执行官,但说起日本的过去时,御手洗先生仍然怒气冲冲。
It was while Fujio Mitarai was in America that Japan turned down a wrong path. Twenty years later, the president and chief executive of Canon, one of Japan's premier technology companies, is still fuming about what went on while his back was turned.

在提及20世纪80年代的日本时,御手洗先生说道:“在日本,企业丧失了劳动生产力,也不费心去革新技术能力。”他评论道,在这10年中,日本停止了前进步伐,坐享成为全球主要工业国的新荣誉。在完成了历史上最非凡的经济转型后,他们却白白浪费了大好时机——御手洗以第三人称的口吻谈论着自己的同胞。
"In Japan, they lost labour productivity and did not bother to regenerate their technological capacity," he says of the 1980s, a decade when, he comments, Japan sat back to enjoy its newly won status as a leading industrial nation. Having achieved one of the most remarkable economic transformations in history, his countrymen - he talks about them in the third person - threw it all away.

“他们变得自满起来,也更富足。他们对新的生活方式习以为常,”御手洗说,“他们拥有了许多资产,但没有用于科技或研发的再投资。相反,”说到这时,他的译员仿佛说粗话一样吐出了几个字,“却买了股票和地产。”
"They became very complacent and affluent and rich. They became accustomed to their new lifestyle," he says. "They had plenty of assets but they did not re- invest them in technology or research and development. Instead they bought" - here his interpreter spits the words out as though uttering some vulgarity - "stocks and real estate".

当时,日本人越来越富有,但懒惰之情也随之增加,并且吹起了历史上最大的资产泡沫。与此同时,美国却正忙于开发最新技术,提高生产力。美国通过了重视专利的立法,加大投资科技主导型的公共项目,如空间探测等。同时,其他国家也在迎头赶上,最明显的就是韩国和中国。全球的领导人们则在降低贸易壁垒,力图创造一个平等竞争的环境。
While Japan was growing fat and lazy and blowing up the biggest asset bubble in history, the US was busy discovering its technological edge and honing its productivity. It passed pro-patent legislation and invested heavily in science-led public endeavours such as space exploration. Meanwhile, other countries, notably South Korea and China, were clawing their way up and world leaders were levelling the playing field by tearing down trade barriers.

御手洗说:“我们走错了路,本来我们是能够改正的,但现在全球化趋势已经出现,它给日本工业带来了巨大压力。这是现代日本面临困境的原因。”
"We took a wrong path. Before we would have been able to correct our mistakes. But now globalisation has occurred. This has put immense pressure on Japanese industry. That is the cause of the suffering of modern-day Japan."

御手洗先生不是脱离实际的理论家。作为一名高级管理人员,他在美国度过了23年,帮助美国佳能成为复印机和照相机制造领域强大的竞争者。他在美国和日本都有着丰富的从商经验。
Mr Mitarai is no armchair theorist. As an executive who spent 23 years in the US where he helped build Canon into a formidable competitor in the photocopier and camera markets, he has a wealth of business experience on both sides of the Pacific.

更重要的是,自1995年御手洗接任佳能总裁职位后,他已帮助佳能完成了转型,将佳能从一个臃肿、业务重点不突出的综合企业,改变成为日本最有效率的赚钱机器。
More important, since he took over the presidency of Canon in 1995 he has helped transform the company from a bloated and ill- focused conglomerate into one of Japan's most effective money-making machines.

日本仍在竭力摆脱资产泡沫破裂留下的后遗症。而御手洗取得成就的方式给日本提供了教训。包括NEC、日立(Hitachi)、富士通(Fujitsu)和东芝(Toshiba)在内,许多以前领先的日本科技公司仍受债务所累,并被亏损企业捆住了手脚。
How he achieved this has lessons for a Japan still struggling with the legacy of the burst asset bubble. Many of Japan's once-leading technology companies, including NEC, Hitachi, Fujitsu and Toshiba, continue to be weighed down with debt and hamstrung by lossmaking businesses.

对于日本的高层管理人员来说,御手洗的经历甚至要比卡洛斯•戈森(Carlos Ghosn)更引人注目。卡洛斯生于巴西,作为一名高级管理人员,他成功地改变了日产公司(Nissan)的命运。总部位于东京的日产是汽车制造商,公司一度困难重重。御手洗是个本土人士,虽然受到他美国工作经历的影响,但他的策略显然是在日本形成的。
For Japanese executives, Mr Mitarai's story is even more notable that that of Carlos Ghosn, the Brazilian-born executive who famously transformed the fortunes of Tokyo-based Nissan, the once struggling carmaker. Mr Mitarai is an insider whose strategies, though influenced by his time in the US, are clearly made in Japan.

从某个角度看,御手洗似乎是典型的日本商人。他是佳能公司缔造者的侄子,也是前任总裁的堂兄,他的观点依然很传统。虽然公司有四分之三的销售额来自日本以外,40%的股东不是日本人,但佳能的董事会全是由日本人组成。御手洗还支持员工终身雇用制。
Viewed from one angle, Mr Mitarai seems the archetype of a Japanese businessman. He is the nephew of Canon's founder and cousin of the previous president and he holds traditional views. He has an entirely Japanese board, although three- quarters of the company's sales are outside Japan and 40 per cent of shareholders are non-Japanese. He also believes in lifetime employment.

御手洗一直滔滔不绝地为国内就业辩护,尽管从逻辑上看,企业只有走出去,摆脱日本国内高成本的限制,经营才能有效率。由于日本将产业转移到劳动力成本低廉的制造基地,特别是转移到中国,导致日本出现“空心化”现象,日本社区的利益受到损害。御手洗认为,日本企业有责任阻止这一过程。
He has been a voluble defender of domestic jobs, when logic might dictate that efficiency is to be found outside the confines of high-cost Japan. He has argued that it is the duty of Japanese corporations to resist the "hollowing out" process that has destroyed communities as industries have shipped out to cheap-labour manufacturing bases, notably China.

然而这只是问题的一方面。从其他方面看,御手洗已对佳能进行了根本性改造。在接任总裁职位的几个月中,他就决定关闭几个赔钱的部门——公司一些部门将此番举动看作是异端行为。佳能停止生产个人电脑和液晶显示屏,电动打字机业务也停止了。一些工程师花了几年时间进行研究的项目也已废弃,工程师则被转移到了其他部门。
Yet that is not the whole story. In other ways, Mr Mitarai has revolutionised Canon. Within months of taking over as president, he had decided to close down several lossmaking divisions - considered heresy in parts of the company. The company stopped making personal computers and liquid crystal displays. Its electric typewriter business was scrapped. Engineers who had spent years working on now-defunct projects were moved to other divisions.

佳能业务围绕四个部门进行了重组。相比之下,在东京证交,众多综合企业的组织结构杂乱无章,这一策略不见踪影。御手洗先生还采取措施,彻底改造了公司产品的生产方式。传送带被撤掉,取而代之的是显然更原始但更具灵活的单元系统,借助这一系统,工人组成的小团队可以制造单个机器。
The business was reorganised around four divisions, a strategy absent in the many amorphous conglomerates that litter the Tokyo Stock Exchange. Mr Mitarai also took the step of reinventing the way the company manufactures its products. The conveyor belt was replaced by the apparently more primitive - but more flexible - cell system by which small teams of workers built individual machines (see below).

接受过会计教育的御手洗先生还彻底改变了企业财务管理方式。公司账目得到合并,销售额只有在产品发货后才入账,而在以前,产品还在不同部门之间调运时就已入账了。公司不再操心扩大销售的问题(这是日本企业成功的传统标志),而是将注意力转移到利润上来。销售一直保持稳定,但利润却出现飚升,去年达到了16亿美元,连续第三次创下纪录。
Mr Mitarai, who trained as an accountant, also overhauled the way the business managed its finances. Accounts were consolidated. Sales were booked only when they left the company, not when shuffled between one division and another, as previously. The company stopped worrying about expanding sales (the traditional mark of success of a Japanese company) and turned its attention to profits. Sales have been fairly constant but profits have increased exponentially, hitting $1.6bn (
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
09 月25 日每日英语--世界电信业低落 中国电信寻求兼并

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09 月25 日
世界电信业低落 中国电信寻求兼并 China telecom pounces on foreign target


在过去一年里,中国的电信营运商十分忙碌。他们不仅通过签约获得了7000万用户,而且还大量推出新的数据服务项目。这还不够,他们还把目光转到国外,寻找新的商机。
Body: China's telecommunications operators have been busy in the last year, signing up nearly 70m additional subscribers and rolling out new data services - but they have still been looking abroad even more action.

在中国国定电话营运商中坐头一把交椅的中国电信(China Telecom)和印度尼西亚拉贾瓦利集团(Rajawali group)正在举行谈判,商讨中国电信可能收购印尼第三大移动电话营运商Excelcomindo事宜。这件事生动地表明,中国公司对海外扩张兴趣渐浓。
Talks between China Telecom, flagship fixed-line carrier, and Indonesia's Rajawali group on the possible purchase of Excelcomindo, the archipelago's third-largest mobile operator, offer a graphic example of a wider Chinese corporate interest in overseas expansion.

分析家说,虽然双方远未敲定收购Excelcomindo的事宜,但中国电信业已让海外感受到,这只是一个时间问题。
And while a deal on Excelcomindo is far from certain, analysts say it is only a matter of time before China's telecoms make their presence felt beyond their national borders.

电信业咨询公司博达公司(BDA China)的邓肯•克拉克(Duncan Clark)说:“毫无疑问,这种事肯定会发生。中国希望在电信业的主桌上获得一席之地。”
"It's going to happen, no question," says Duncan Clark of BDA China, a telecoms consultancy. "China wants a place at the head table."

中国领导人已经在意识形态领域给予支持。中国前任国家主席江泽民去年对官员们说,要“鼓励和帮助相对有竞争力的企业”在海外投资,这项政策被称作“走出去”。
Communist leaders have given their ideological blessing. Jiang Zemin, then China's president, last year told officials to "encourage and help relatively competitive enterprises" to invest abroad, under a policy dubbed "Go Out".

今年3月,中国第二大固定电话通信公司中国网通(China Netcom)收购了地区性海底电缆营运商亚洲环球电讯(Asia Global Crossing)。
In March, China Netcom, China's number two fixed-line telephone company, bought regional undersea cable operator Asia Global Crossing.

中国第二大移动电话营运商中国联通(China Unicom)也在上月宣布,希望在一家海外网络拥有少量股份,并表示地点可能会选择印度尼西亚和印度。
And China Unicom, the second-largest mobile operator said last month it wanted a minority stake in an overseas network, mentioning Indonesia and India as possible destinations.

由于电信业的泡沫破裂,该行业在世界范围内陷入困境,从而导致中国电信企业对在海外收购产生兴趣。
Such interest is fuelled by the woes of telecoms around the world following the bursting of the sector's bubble.

北京邮电大学的卢廷杰(Lu Tingjie)说,中国的营运商都有国际发展战略。世界各国的许多公司现在都不景气,因此开价都非常低。
"All the Chinese operators have a strategy of developing internationally and now many companies around the world are not in great shape and so are priced pretty low," says Lu Tingjie at the Beijing University of Posts and Telecommunications.

与海外公司相比,中国的营运商没有背上为“第三代”许可证支付费用的包袱,并且负债比率不高。
Chinese operators, by contrast, have been spared the burden of "third-generation" licence fees and enjoy low debt ratios.

除了宏伟的抱负和雄厚的实力之外,中国公司在国外进行并购一事还另有原因。
And overseas acquisitions can be justified by more than just ambition and deep pockets.

在发展中国家迅速建立并开拓巨大的电信网络上,中国电信营运商具有丰富的经验,而这一能力对于类似印度尼西亚这样的市场来说或许十分有用。
Chinese operators have rich experience in the rapid creation and development of huge telecoms networks under developing country conditions - an ability that might be useful in markets such as Indonesia.

通过对更富裕国家的电信营运商进行投资,会使中国电信企业增加对先进技术和服务的熟悉程度,从而在本国加以引进。
Investment in operators in richer countries would bring familiarity with advanced technologies and services that could be introduced at home.

在中国庞大的电信网络迅速出现之后,中国电信企业对设备经销商拥有巨大的影响,这将有助于在进行国外并购时降低成本。
And the hefty clout they have with equipment vendors after China's vast network roll-outs could help shave costs for any overseas acquisition.

无论从哪一个角度看,中国电信营运商及其在石油和制造业的同行制订扩张计划表明,投资银行需要修改策略,因为它们一直认为中国是西方公司进行并购的市场。
Whatever the arguments, the expansion plans of Chinese operators and their peers in oil and manufacturing mean a change in strategy for investment banks that have seen China as a market for acquisitions by Western companies.

近几个月以来,高盛(Goldman Sachs)、摩根-士丹利(Morgan Stanley)、JP摩根(JP Morgan)等银行均加强了它们在中国的实力,以便满足中国公司不断提出的合并及并购的要求。亚洲是一个相对较小的合并和并购市场。在去年全世界缔结的总额达1.2万亿美元的合并与并购协议中,亚洲只占了区区1980亿美元。
In recent months, banks such as Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and JP Morgan have bolstered their presence in the country to meet growing demand for mergers and acquisitions advice from domestic companies. Asia has been a relatively small M&A market - last year accounting for just $198bn of the total $1,200bn-worth of M&A deals.

不过,银行家说,这种差距可望进一步缩小。香港一位银行家说:“在今后10至15年里,这个市场将不断增长。”
However, bankers say the gap could narrow. "This could be a growth market for the next 10-15 years," says a Hong Kong-based banker.

然而,政治和金融方面的问题将会阻碍中国许多公司进行海外扩张的计划。
Still, political and financial difficulties could obstruct many Chinese companies' overseas plans.

银行家也怀疑,海外公司是否愿意把股份卖给中国。
And bankers doubt whether overseas targets will be willing to accept Chinese companies' shares in payment.
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
09 月24 日 每日英语---从中国企业威胁论到中国商机

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09 月24 日
从中国企业威胁论到中国商机 Competitive threat to commercial opportunity


当中国前总理朱镕基两年前访问印度时,印度国内到处充斥着中国企业威胁论,到处都能听到这样的说法:中国的廉价进口产品(从电池到雨伞)可能导致其印度竞争者破产。
When Zhu Rongji, China's former premier, visited India almost two years ago, the country was awash with paranoia about the competitive threat from Chinese businesses. Stories abounded of cut-price imports - from batteries to umbrellas - that could bankrupt their Indian competitors.

朱镕基曾表示,他在孟买百货商店看到的商品比中国同类商品至少贵三分之一,这番话不象是外交辞令。印度当时刚刚取消定量进口限制,因此做好了被击垮的准备。
Somewhat undiplomatically, Mr Zhu said the goods he had seen in Mumbai's department stores were at least a third pricier than their Chinese equivalents. India, which had only just removed quantitative restrictions on imports, braced itself to be taken to the cleaners.

但预料中的情况并未发生。过去两年里,中印贸易额增加了一倍多,预计到今年年底将达75亿美元。印度可望实现至少10亿美元的对中贸易顺差。如今,在印度企业眼里,中国这条巨龙蕴涵着最激动人心的商机。
It hasn't happened yet. In the past two years trade between India and China has more than doubled and is forecast to hit $7.5bn by the end of this year. India is expected to record a surplus of at least $1bn. Indian businesses now see the terrifying Chinese dragon as their most exciting commercial opportunity.

Modi集团是一家制造公司,它生产的特种化学制品出口到中国的皮革业。集团总裁K•K•莫迪(K.K. Modi)表示:“现在再也没有人害怕中国市场了,相反,每个人都想从中分一杯羹。”
"Nobody fears the Chinese market any more - everybody just wants a piece of it," said K.K. Modi, head of the Modi Group, a manufacturing company that exports speciality chemicals to China's leather industry.

和莫迪先生一样,印度许多企业管理者都希望加强在中国的业务。印度的信息技术(IT)企业便是如此,IT业也许是印度唯一一个领先于中国的行业(印度的制药业可能也领先于中国)。作为印度的邻邦,中国的经济正在飞速发展。
Mr Modi is one of many Indian executives seeking to boost their presence in China. The same is true of India's information technology businesses - perhaps the only sector (with the possible exception of pharmaceuticals) where India is undoubtedly ahead of its faster-growing neighbour.

目前有15家印度IT公司在中国拥有业务。印度去年的IT产品出口额接近100亿美元,而中国的IT产品出口额只有15亿美元。但咨询公司Gartner的报告显示,设在中国的印度IT公司涉及了中国40%的IT出口业务。相比之下,中国去年的出口总额为3180亿美元,而印度仅为600亿美元。
Fifteen Indian IT companies now have a presence in China. Last year India's IT exports were almost $10bn compared with just $1.5bn from China. But 40 per cent of China's IT exports involved Indian IT companies based in China, according to a report by consultants Gartner. In contrast, China's overall exports last year were $318bn compared with India's $60bn.

Infosys是印度一家IT公司,它已赢得中国金融业的一些合同。该公司首席财务官默罕•达斯•派(Mohan Das Pai)说:“就软件领域而言,印度比中国领先五至七年。中国缺乏英语人才和有经验的项目经理。但中国会很快赶上印度。”
"Software is an area where India is five to seven years ahead," said Mohan Das Pai, chief financial officer of Infosys, an Indian IT company that has won contracts in China's financial sector. "China lacks facility with English and experienced project managers. But China will catch up very fast."

但从中国的核心竞争力----即组装和基本制造能力来看,印度企业并不领先。迄今为止,在印度设立工厂的中国公司还很少,但最近有几家已开始寻找机会。印度工业联合会(Confederation of Indian Industry)在上海新设了办事处,总代表Piyush Bahl说,他在就职以来的三周里在中国访问了18个城市,接受了20多名潜在投资者的认真询问。
The same cannot be said of Indian companies when it comes to China's core competence - assembly and basic manufacturing. So far few Chinese companies have set up plants in India, but several have recently begun to look for opportunities. Piyush Bahl, head of the Confederation of Indian Industry's new office in Shanghai, said he has visited 18 cities in the three weeks since he took up his post, fielding serious enquiries from more than 20 potential Chinese investors in India.

但有些重大障碍挡住了投资者投资印度的步伐。除了中国制造业工人的工资低于印度同行外,中国的生产率也相比更高。
But there are significant barriers to entry. Not only are Chinese factory workers paid less than their Indian counterparts, they are also more productive.

印度保留了其严格的劳动法,这使它几乎不可能解雇员工或雇佣合同工。印度吸引的外国直接投资额之所以只占中国的约十分之一,这也是原因之一。
India retains rigid labour laws that make it almost impossible to fire an employee or to hire contract labour. That is one reason India attracts roughly a tenth the amount of foreign direct investment as China.

管理咨询公司麦肯锡(McKinsey)在最近的一份报告中估计,一名印度工人平均每天做三只鞋,而中国工人平均每天做11只鞋。报告显示,就生产率而言,在T恤衫和吊扇方面两国也存在差距。印度烦人的官僚主义也令投资者望而却步。
In a recent report, McKinsey, the consultancy, estimated that on average an Indian worker makes three shoes a day compared with 11 produced by his Chinese counterpart. It found a similar productivity gap for T-shirts and ceiling fans. India's tiresome red tape is a further deterrent.

马加力是中国某智囊机构的印度问题专家。他说:“如果把官僚作风考虑在内的话,在印度办事可能会十分困难。更不用说请客送礼了——因为官僚层层,太多了。”
"If you add in the Indian bureaucracy it can be very difficult to make your way," said Ma Jiali, India expert at a Chinese think-tank. "Not to mention the need to take them out to dinner and give them presents - there are so many layers."

麦肯锡还反驳了在印度广为流传的一个观点,即中国公司得益于出口补贴和人为压低的资本成本,而且生产劣质产品。持这种观念的人认为,由于中国国内市场规模庞大,因此与印度公司相比,中国公司享有明显的规模经济优势。例如,中国每年销售3500万台彩电,而印度每年只销售600万台彩电。
McKinsey also debunked the widespread notion in India that Chinese companies benefited from export subsidies, artificially low capital costs, and produced shoddy goods. It said the size of China's domestic market gave local companies decisive economies of scale over their Indian counterparts. For example, China sells 35m colour televisions a year, compared with 6m in India.

诚信(Reliance)是印度最大的公司,生产石化产品,但也在进军电信业。公司董事总经理艾尼尔•阿姆巴尼(Anil Ambani)表示:“无论从哪方面讲,无论是洗衣机还是聚脂的人均消费量,中国市场的规模均是印度的3至4倍。”
"Whatever you look at - whether it is washing machines or per capita consumption of polyesters - China's market is three or four times the size of India's," said Anil Ambani, managing director of Reliance, India's largest company, which makes petrochemicals but is also moving into telecommunications.

但诚信的经历也证明,印度可以在一些领域与中国竞争。诚在印度去年的出口总额中占据了5%的份额。在需要运用高科技的生产领域,印度甚至在向中国出口。
But Reliance, which alone accounted for 5 per cent of India's total exports last year, is also an example of where India can compete with China. In areas where manufacturing requires high-technology inputs, India is even exporting to China.

巴拉特煅造公司(Bharat Forge)是一家汽车零部件生产商,位于孟买(Mumbai)北部的菩那(Pune)。该公司去年向中国出口了价值4000万美元的汽车零部件。公司对中国的销售量今后还将飞速增长。该公司的优势来源于对信息技术的密集应用。“我们的一切生产活动都实现了高度计算机化,”公司首席执行官巴巴•卡尔亚尼(Baba Kalyani)表示,“我们的关键优势在于,与中国的竞争对手相比,我们发现自己更容易聘请到信息技术和工程专业的毕业生。”
Bharat Forge, an auto-components maker based in Pune, north of Mumbai, last year exported $40m worth of car parts to China. Sales to China are set to rocket. The company's advantage derives from its intensive use of IT. "All our manufacturing is highly computerised," said Baba Kalyani, chief executive. "Our key advantage is that we find it much easier to hire IT and engineering graduates than our Chinese competitors."

的确,印度在高科技研究和生产方面潜力巨大,而华为(Huawei)等一些中国企业也充分利用了这种潜力。华为是中国的一家电信设备生产商。该公司最近表示,将在其设于班加罗尔(Bangalore)的工厂投资1亿美元开发软件。
Indeed, some Chinese companies, such as Huawei, a Chinese telecoms equipment maker, have also seized on India's potential in high-tech research and production. Huawei recently said it would invest $100m to develop software at its plant in Bangalore.

在医药等其它产业,大量毕业生储备也是印度的一个优势。在联合国(UN)用于接种计划的疫苗中,有一半以上是从印度血清研究所(Serum Institute of India)购买的。该研究所位于菩那,是一家私人公司。相比之下,以国际标准评价,中国国内的许多血清生产未达到标准。
India's large pool of graduates is also an advantage in other sectors, such as medicine. The United Nations buys more than half of its vaccines from the Serum Institute of India, a private company in Pune, for its innoculation programmes worldwide. In contrast, much of China's domestic vaccine production is considered substandard.

印度虽然在研发领域领先,却无法弥补中国在批量生产出口产品方面享有的绝对优势。就财富分配给大众而言,中国在制造领域取得的成功比印度的IT模式要有效得多。中国的制造业吸纳了近一亿就业人口,而印度的制造业仅吸纳了900万。印度的IT产业约有100万就业人口。
Yet India's lead in research and development cannot make up for China's overwhelming superiority in mass producing goods for export. China's manufacturing success is a far more effective way of spreading wealth to the masses than India's IT model. Almost 100m Chinese are employed in manufacturing compared with 9m Indians. Roughly 1m Indians are employed in IT.

不管是因为中国的电力供应更便宜也更可靠,还是识字率更高,还是港口的周转时间更短,就大多数制造业类型而言,中国的环境比印度要好得多。印度政府正慢慢意识到一点。例如,印度政府已制定建立经济特区的计划,特区将取消对劳动力的各种限制。
Whether it is China's cheaper and more reliable power supply, its higher rate of literacy, or the more rapid turnaround time at its ports, China remains an incalculably better environment for most types of manufacturing than India. New Delhi is slowly waking up to this. There are plans, for example, to set up special economic zones where labour restrictions would be waived.

但印度仍然是这场盛宴的迟到者。许多人倍感挫折,觉得政府花费的时间仍然太长。“当政客们谈论‘调整后的’改革时,这意味着他们没有采取多少行动,”阿姆巴尼先生说,“ 印度耗不起时间来进行改革调整。”
But India is coming late to the party. And many are frustrated that it is still taking too long. "When politicians talk of 'calibrated' reforms, what they really mean is they aren't doing very much," said Mr Ambani. "India cannot afford to have a calibrated reform process."
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
09月23日每日英语--亚洲正在觉醒 Asia is awakening

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09 月23 日
亚洲正在觉醒 Asia is awakening


亚洲的崛起是我们这个时代的经济大事。过去两个世纪中,先是欧洲占据了全球主导地位,后来是欧洲子嗣的北美巨人。如果亚洲过去几十年的增长得以持续,那么欧美主导世界的世纪将会终结。日本曾一度预示着亚洲的未来。事实证明,日本太小,并且内向,难以改变世界。继日本之后,尤其是中国为首的亚洲国家证明,它们既不小,也不内向。
Asia's rise is the economic event of our age. Should it proceed as it has over the last few decades, it will bring the two centuries of global domination by Europe and, subsequently, its giant North American offshoot to an end. Japan was but the harbinger of an Asian future. The country has proved too small and inward-looking to transform the world. What follows it - China, above all - will prove neither.

亚洲得名于欧洲人的观念:古希腊人将欧亚大陆不属于欧洲的那部分取名为亚洲。在历史上,这片辽阔的土地分成四个区:西部、北部、南部和东部。近1400年来,西部都是伊斯兰教的领地;北部是游牧民的世界;南部是印度文明的领域;而在东部,中国在政治和文化上占主导地位。还必须加上亚洲南部和东部沿海的许多岛屿,最重要的一些岛屿现在分属于日本、印度尼西亚和菲律宾。
Asia is a European idea: it was invented by the ancient Greeks as a name for the non-European part of Eurasia. Historically, this vast mass of territory was divided into four zones: the west, for almost 1,400 years the domain of Islam; the north, the world of the nomads; the south, the region of Hindu civilisation; and the east, dominated culturally and politically by China. To these must be added the islands off its southern and eastern coasts, the most important of which are now contained within Japan, Indonesia and the Philippines.

今天,西亚的经济影响仅来自那里的石油。俄罗斯和苏联帝国解体后独立的国家构成了北亚。亚洲东部是人口密集的地区,南部人口略少。这两个地区已开始变革,这种变革将改变世界。截至2002年,以市场价格计算,这些国家的国内生产总值(GDP)占全球的24%;以实际购买力平价(PPP)计算,国内生产总值占全球的三分之一。但亚洲国家也拥有全球56%的人口。这些国家仍具有巨大的潜力。
Today, the economic impact of west Asia comes only from its oil. Russia and the shards of its collapsed empire make up north Asia. It is in Asia's populous east and, to a lesser degree, its south that a world-transforming change has begun. By 2002, these countries generated 24 per cent of global gross domestic product at market prices, and a third measured at purchasing power parity (PPP) (see below). But they also contained 56 per cent of humanity. Their potential remains huge.

据经济史学家安古斯•麦迪森(Angus Maddison)称,1820年,亚洲(东亚、南亚和西亚)拥有全世界68%的人口,按实际购买力平价计算,国内生产总值占全球总额的59%。但在18和19世纪,在经济停滞,外国干涉及被彻底征服面前,亚洲只能屈从。到1950年,虽然亚洲人口依然占全球人口的55%,但占全球国内生产总值的份额已下降到仅18%。
In 1820, according to Angus Maddison, the economic historian, Asia (east, south and west) contained 68 per cent of world population and generated 59 per cent of GDP, at PPP. But it succumbed in the 18th and 19th centuries to economic stagnation, foreign intervention and outright conquest. By 1950, Asia's combined share of world GDP had fallen to just 18 per cent, even though its share of population was still 55 per cent (see chart).

亚洲正在觉醒。19世纪下半叶,日本第一个觉醒。自1945年战败后,日本获得了举世瞩目的成就,迅速升入发达国家行列。香港、台湾、韩国和新加坡紧随其后,于20世纪50年代、60年代和70年代崛起。自1966年始,苏哈托(Suharto)统治下的印度尼西亚也走上了相似的道路,并获得了部分成功。中国和印度两大巨人一度因外国干预而遭受重创,但两国利用了重新获得的独立地位,来追求社会主义的自给自足。
Asia is waking up. Japan roused first, in the second half of the 19th century. After its defeat in 1945, it achieved a stunning ascent to developed status. Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore followed in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s. Suharto's Indonesia pursued a similar course from 1966, with some success. But the two giants, China and India, traumatised by foreign intervention, used their regained independence to pursue socialist autarky.

最后,在20世纪80年代和90年代,包括印度和中国两大巨人在内,大多数东亚和南亚国家终于选择了市场导向的经济,在干涉主义政府的监护下,它们选择了以世界市场为导向的经济模式。在1973年第一次石油危机和1998年亚洲金融危机期间,东亚和南亚的发展中国家纷纷崛起,人均国内生产总值的年复合增长率达到了4.2%,这意味着年人均收入增长了2.8倍。
Finally, in the 1980s and 1990s, most of the countries of east and south Asia, including the two giants, chose market-led economies, oriented towards world markets, under the tutelage of interventionist governments. Between the first oil shock in 1973 and the Asian financial crisis in 1998 the GDP per head of the resurgent developing countries of east and south Asia rose at a compound rate of 4.2 per cent a year, which meant a 2.8-fold increase in incomes per head.

1973年是个分水岭。1973年后,东亚和南亚的经济增长率远远高于1973年前,这也是全球唯一能维持这种增长速度的地区。用麦迪森的话说,这些国家“(不同程度地)复制”了日本在20世纪50和60年代这个“黄金时代”取得的大飞跃。据世界银行的统计,经济增长在上世纪70年代出现加速,在亚洲发展中国家,实际人均国内生产总值的年增长率升至3%。20世纪80年代,这一数字跃升到4.9%,20世纪90年代则达到了5.4%。
This was the only region of the world whose growth after 1973 was far faster than before that watershed. Its countries are, in Mr Maddison's words, "replicating (in various degrees of intensity) the big leap forward achieved by Japan in the golden age" of the 1950s and 1960s. Growth is accelerating: in the 1970s, according to the World Bank, real GDP per head of Asian developing countries rose at 3 per cent a year. In the 1980s, this jumped to 4.9 per cent. In the 1990s, it reached 5.4 per cent.

总体数据往往令人误解。世界上几乎没有哪个地区能比东亚和南亚更能说明这一点。东亚和南亚有着不同的文化和信仰,有全世界最大的民主国家印度,有最大的、名义上的共产主义国家中国(但中国正在日益资本主义化);还有最正统的斯大林主义国家朝鲜。在亚洲各国中,中国有12.8亿人口,印度有10.5亿人口。亚洲还有四个人口超过1亿的国家:印度尼西亚(2.12亿)、巴基斯坦(1.45亿)、孟加拉(1.36亿)和日本(1.27亿)。亚洲还有众多中等规模的国家,包括越南(8100万)、菲律宾(8000万)、泰国(6200万)、缅甸(4900万)和韩国(4800万)。但亚洲也包括众多小国,比如有着2400万人口的马来西亚和尼泊尔,以及90万人口的不丹等。
Aggregates are misleading. Of almost no area of the world is this more true than east and south Asia. The region is diverse in its culture and in beliefs. It contains the world's largest democracy, India; its largest notionally communist, but increasingly capitalist, state, China; and its most Stalinist country, North Korea. It contains China with 1.28bn people and India with 1.05bn. It possesses four more countries with populations over 100m - Indonesia (212m); Pakistan (145m); Bangladesh (136m); and Japan (127m) - as well as a number of medium-sized countries in Vietnam (81m), the Philippines (80m), Thailand (62m), Burma (49m) and South Korea (48m). But it also possesses a number of small countries, from Malaysia and Nepal, with 24m people, to Bhutan with 0.9m.

最重要的是,在繁荣程度、经济规模和成功程度上,该地区的情况千差万别。亚洲有五大高收入经济体,分别是香港、日本、新加坡、韩国和台湾(若“地区”的定义扩大,则还应加入澳大利亚和新西兰)。但亚洲也有众多低收入国家,它们的实际人均收入只有上述高收入国家的10%或不到(以购买力平价计算)。印度、越南、巴基斯坦、孟加拉国、蒙古、老挝、柬埔寨和尼泊尔都在此列。以市场价格计算,作为世界第二大经济体,日本在该地区占主导地位,GDP占东亚和南亚GDP总额的56%;日本、中国、印度和韩国GDP的总和占东亚和南亚GDP总额的85%。若以购买力平价计算,情况又有很大不同。2002年,中国是全球第二大经济体,日本和印度紧随其后。这三个国家总共创造了该地区四分之三的GDP产值(按购买力平价计算)。
Above all, the region is divergent in prosperity, economic size and success. It contains five high-income economies: Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan. (Australia and New Zealand would be added, if the definition were widened.) But it also includes a sizeable number of countries with real incomes per head, at PPP, that are 10 per cent or less of those of the highest-income countries. India, Vietnam, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Mongolia, Laos, Cambodia and Nepal all fall into this category. At market prices, Japan, the world's second-largest economy, dominates the region, with 56 per cent of the total GDP of east and south Asia. Together, Japan, China, India and South Korea generate 85 per cent of the GDP of east and south Asia, at market prices. At PPP, the picture is quite different. In 2002, China was the world's second-largest economy, followed by Japan and India. Together, these three countries generated three-quarters of regional GDP, at PPP.

尽管该地区的许多国家表现卓越,但这并非普遍现象。在20世纪90年代,中国实际人均收入年均增长8.8%;越南为6%。印度、新加坡和韩国的年人均GDP增速达到了4%到5%。孟加拉国、马来西亚、斯里兰卡和泰国勉强达到了3%到4%。而印度尼西亚、香港、尼泊尔(还有澳大利亚和新西兰)的年人均GDP增速则下降了2%到3%。排在最后的国家则有巴基斯坦、菲律宾和日本(令人惊讶),它们的年人均收入仅增长了1%左右。尽管亚洲爆发了金融危机,但请注意,这一地区的经济增长普遍强劲。然而,金融危机的确重创了部分国家,其中首推印度尼西亚。
Though a large number of countries within the region have performed superbly, this is not universally true. In the 1990s, real incomes per head rose at 8.8 per cent a year in China and 6 per cent in Vietnam. India, Singapore and South Korea achieved growth of GDP per head of between 4 and 5 per cent a year. Bangladesh, Malaysia, Sri Lanka and Thailand managed between 3 and 4 per cent. Growth of GDP per head in Indonesia, Hong Kong, Nepal (and Australia and New Zealand) fell by between 2 and 3 per cent. The laggards were Pakistan, the Philippines and - amazingly - Japan, which achieved only about 1 per cent a year growth in income per head. Note the generally strong growth, despite the financial crisis. But it did hit a few countries badly, above all, Indonesia.

这种多样性使得广义的概括很危险。但如果我们把这一地区当作一个整体看待,我们可以勾勒出该地区经济景象的四大特征。
The diversity makes generalisation dangerous. But if we look at the region as a whole, we can make out four big features of the economic landscape.

第一,该地区在世界贸易中的作用正以惊人的速度增长。2001年,亚太地区占全球商品出口的比例,从1963年的10%和1983年的18%,提高到了24%。其中,日本的份额一直在下降,从1993年的10%,下降到了2001年的7%以下。但中国的份额在增加,从1983年的1%增加到2001年的4%以上。印度远远落在后面。在本世纪头10年,中国看来肯定要超过日本。到2001年,中国的商品出口额已经与英国旗鼓相当。
First, the region's role in world trade is increasing at an astonishing rate (see chart). The Asia-Pacific region generated 24 per cent of world merchandise exports in 2001, up from 10 per cent in 1963 and 18 per cent in 1983. Japan's share has been declining, from 10 per cent in 1993 to below 7 per cent in 2001. But China's is on the way up, from 1 per cent in 1983 to over 4 per cent in 2001. India lags far behind. China seems certain to surpass Japan this decade. By 2001, its merchandise exports already matched the UK's.

东亚发展中国家和新兴工业化国家之间的内部贸易,从1985年占全球贸易的2.2%,增至2001年的6.5%。同期,这些国家与世界其它国家间的贸易则从占全球比例的7.5%增至12.1%。因此,到2001年时,这些国家有三分之一以上的贸易在该地区内部进行的。
Internal trade among east Asian developing and newly industrialised countries grew from 2.2 per cent of world trade in 1985 to 6.5 per cent in 2001. Over the same period, the trade of these countries with the rest of the world rose from 7.2 per cent to 12.1 per cent of the total. Accordingly, by 2001, more than a third of the trade of these countries fell inside the region.

中国的崛起正给亚洲及亚洲以外的国家带来压力,尤其给那些依赖出口劳动密集型制造业产品的国家带来压力。在2000年到2003年上半年间,中国对美国的贸易盈余增长了280亿美元(按年率计算)。而同期日本、台湾、韩国、印度尼西亚、马来西亚、菲律宾和泰国等对美贸易盈余减少了260亿美元。
China's rise is imposing pressure on other countries in the region, and beyond, particularly those that rely on exports of labour-intensive manufactures. Between 2000 and the first half of 2003 (at an annualised rate), China's trade surplus with the US rose by $28bn. Over the same period, the combined surpluses with the US of Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand fell by $26bn.

第二,亚洲地区是全球最重要的资本盈余地区。据国际货币基金组织(IMF)最新一期《全球经济展望》(World Economic Outlook)的数据,东亚和南亚去年的经常账户盈余为2460亿美元,其中1130亿属于日本,另有680亿来自新兴工业化地区(香港、新加坡、韩国和台湾),另外还有650亿来自以中国和印度为主的发展中国家。亚洲的储户正为高消费的美国人提供资金。
Second, the Asian region is the world's most important capital surplus region. According to the International Monetary Fund's latest World Economic Outlook, east and south Asia ran a current account surplus of $246bn last year, $113bn of which was Japan's, another $68bn came from the newly industrialised countries (Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan) and $65bn from the developing countries, principally China and India. Asian savers are financing high- spending Americans.

这些盈余反映了亚洲高得惊人的储蓄率。在1997至2001年间,东亚地区发展中国家的国民储蓄毛额相当于GDP的37%。这让该地区拥有了异常高的投资率,外加占GDP3%的净资本出口额。现在,中国的储蓄毛额相当于GDP的40%。日本则以相当于GDP30%的储蓄率,位列所有高收入国家之首。与之完全相反的是,美国的储蓄率平均还不到GDP的18%。
Behind these surpluses lie astonishingly high savings rates. Between 1997 and 2001, the gross national savings rate of the developing countries in the east Asian region was 37 per cent of GDP (see chart). This gave the region a phenomenally high investment rate, plus net capital exports of 3 per cent of GDP. China's gross savings rate is now 40 per cent of GDP. Meanwhile, Japan has the highest savings rate among the high-income countries, at 30 per cent of GDP. At the opposite end, US savings averaged less than 18 per cent of GDP.

亚洲政府还一直以惊人的速度积累外汇储备。这一方面是因为它们希望保持出口竞争力,另一方面,亚洲金融危机教育了他们,正如波洛尼厄斯一句话的后半句:“做贷方,不做借方。”在1997年1月至今年6月间,全球外汇储备增加了1.079万亿美元,其中83%来自亚洲国家。在全球外汇储备增长总额中,30%的增长来自日本,22%来自中国。截至2003年6月,日本的外汇储备达到了5380亿美元,中国达到了3470亿美元。
Asian governments have also been prepared to accumulate foreign currency reserves at an amazing rate. This is partly because they wish to preserve export competitiveness. It is also because the Asian financial crisis taught them half of the message of Polonius: a lender, but not a borrower, be. Between January 1997 and June of this year, the Asians contributed 83 per cent of the increase in global foreign currency reserves, which rose by a total of $1,079bn. 30 per cent of the increase in global reserves was in Japan and another 22 per cent in China. By June 2003, Japan's foreign currency reserves had reached $538bn and China's another $347bn.

第三,亚洲地区还是吸收外国直接投资的“大磁铁”。2002年,流向发展中国家的外国直接投资总额从上一年度的2090亿美元回落到1620亿美元,就在这1620亿美元中,有890亿美元流向了东亚和南亚地区。中国是主要的外资流向国,总共吸收了530亿美元外国直接投资,而印度只得到了34亿美元。截至2002年,流入本地区的外国直接投资累计为1.305万亿美元,而所有发展中国家的总额为2.340万亿美元。到这一年时,中国拥有的外国直接投资累计为4480亿美元。
Third, the region is also a magnet for inflows of foreign direct investment. In 2002, total inflows of FDI into developing countries fell to $162bn from $209bn the previous year. Of this total, $89bn went to south and east Asia. China was the dominant destination, receiving $53bn alone, against only $3.4bn by India. The stock of inward FDI in the region was $1,305bn by 2002, out of a total of $2,340bn for all developing countries. By that year, $448bn of this total was in China.

第四,经济增长对大众贫穷产生了巨大的冲击。据世界银行的数据,根据购买力平价计算,在东亚,每天生活费在一美元以下的人口已从1999年的4.70亿降至2000年的2.61亿。单在中国,这一数据就已从3.61亿降至2.04亿。在南亚,这一数据也已从4.66亿降至4.32亿,只是降幅没有那么明显。
Fourth, growth has had a sizeable impact on mass poverty. According to the World Bank, the number of people living on less than $1 a day, at PPP, in east Asia fell from 470m in 1990 to 261m in 2000. In China alone, the number fell from 361m to 204m. In south Asia, too, this number fell, though much less sharply, from 466m to 432m.

那么这个地区将向何处去呢?它对世界经济、进而对世界所造成的冲击将有多大呢?在这一问题的答案中,最重要的部分的是,即使在2002年,根据购买力平价计算,中国的人均GDP也仅有4000美元,印度仅为2800美元。由于高收入国家的人均GDP平均已达2.7万美元,这一地区需要迎头赶上的差距仍然巨大。如果这些地区性大国能保持稳定,同时政策能得到稳步改善,那么它们的经济就能获得几十年的高速增长。在中国的带领下,亚洲崛起才刚刚开始。
Where, then, does the region go now and what will its impact be on the world economy and, indeed, the world? The most important part of the answer is that even in 2002, China's GDP per head, at PPP, was just $4,000, while India's was $2,800. Since the average GDP per head of the high-income countries was $27,000, the catch-up potential remains enormous. If the big regional players sustain stability and achieve steady policy improvements, they can grow rapidly for decades. Asia's rise, led by China, is just beginning.

那么,这样的崛起意味着什么呢?不妨考虑下述三种可能性:
What, then, might such a rise imply? Consider three possibilities.

第一种可能是,随着中国走向工业化,中国将果断地转变贸易方式,放弃制造业,尤其是劳动密集型制造业,转而选择加工初级产品(石油、其它原材料,甚至食品)。这将对世界其它地区产生巨大影响。
The first is that, as it industrialises, China will shift the terms of trade decisively against manufactures, particularly labour-intensive manufactures, in favour of primary commodities (oil, other raw materials and even foodstuffs). This would have a big impact on the rest of the world.

第二种可能是,亚洲将成为世界最有深度的金融市场的大本营。在1997年金融危机发生前,大多数亚洲国家把金融业视为工业融资的渠道。残酷的事实告诉它们,开放这样一个金融业,并完全将它自由化将是致命的。金融产业需要现代化,这是一个显而易见的结论。这一进程已经开始,但仍有许多事情要做。一旦金融现代化得以实现,新的金融产业将能充分利用全球存款额最高、最有活力的经济体。这些因素将成为强大的优势。
The second is that Asia becomes home to the world's deepest financial markets. Until the 1997 crisis, most Asian countries regarded the financial sector as a conduit for financing industry. They learned, brutally, that the opening and liberalisation of such a financial sector is lethal. The obvious conclusion is that financial sectors need modernisation. That has started, but much more needs to be done. When it is, the new financial sectors will have access to the world's highest savings and most dynamic economies. These will be formidable advantages.

第三个可能性是,印度也将进行必要的变革,从而使经济增长率达到8%。如果印度做到了这一点,那么世界经济活动的重心将向亚洲转移,而且转移的速度可能更加惊人。即使印度做不到这一点,在不到几十年的时间内,亚洲也似乎肯定要成为最重要的地区。
The third is that India also makes the changes needed to generate growth of up to 8 per cent. Should it do so, the speed with which the centre of economic gravity would shift towards Asia could be even more astonishing. Even if it does not, Asia seems certain to become much the most important region within a few decades.

日本已产生了巨大的影响。但日本是一个拥有1.27亿人口的国家,还没有从二战战败的创伤中恢复过来。中国的人口是日本的10倍,也没有日本那样的受辱感。欧洲代表过去,美国代表现在,而中国主导的亚洲则将是全球经济的未来。这一未来似乎注定会到来。剩下的重要问题是: 这一切发生的速度如何及平稳性如何。
Japan has already made a big difference. But Japan is a country of 127m, still traumatised by its defeat in the second world war. China has 10 times Japan's population and none of its bashfulness. Europe was the past, the US is the present and a China- dominated Asia the future of the global economy. That future seems bound to come. The big questions are how soon and how smoothly it does so.
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
09 月22 日每日英语---中国对全球商品市场的影响与日俱增

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09 月22 日
中国对全球商品市场的影响与日俱增 Hungry China's influence grows in world commodities markets


过去三年里,中国对全球商品市场产生了爆炸性的影响。
In the past three years, China has had an explosive impact on the global commodities market.

今年出口到中国的铁矿首次大幅超过日本,目前日本仍为全球第二大经济体。原因是中国钢铁业出现显著扩张——产量在四年内几乎翻番,而且今年将很可能超过两亿吨。
Exports of iron ore to China outstripped shipments to Japan, still the world's second largest economy, by a significant margin, for the first time this year. The reason is the dramatic expansion of China's steel industry which has, in four years, almost doubled production and will probably exceed 200m tonnes this year.

麦格里证券(Macquarie Securities)驻伦敦的吉姆•列农(Jim Lennon)说:“中国的经济增长已进入金属密集(metals- intensiv)阶段,类似于上世纪50年代和60年代的日本,以及70年代和80年代的韩国和台湾。唯一的区别是,由于中国拥有10多亿人口,它对全球的影响十分巨大。”
"China has entered a metals- intensive phase in its growth similar to Japan in the 1950s and 1960s and [South] Korea and Taiwan in the 1970s and 1980s," says Jim Lennon, of Macquarie Securities in London. "The only difference is that, with a population of more than 1bn, its impact on the globe is huge."

中国需求的增长正带动铁矿价格上扬,矿业公司也因此提高了产量,与中国钢铁生产商之间的联系日益密切。
As a result of Chinese demand, iron ore prices are rising and mining companies are increasing production and intensifying their ties with Chinese steelmakers.

但由于中国的动力煤储藏丰富,情况就不同了。中国目前正取代澳大利亚,将动力煤出口至日本和韩国,同时压低了价格。
But steaming coal, abundant in China, is a different story. China now exports to Japan and South Korea, displacing shipments from Australia and forcing prices down.

随着中国煤炭出口的迅速增长,中国国内生产商分别占据了韩国和日本进口市场54%和22%的份额,损害了其他出口竞争对手的利益。澳大利亚Western Mining前首席执行官休•摩根(Hugh Morgan)说:“中国煤炭产量过剩,这大大影响了全球市场的价格。”
Chinese coal exports have increased rapidly, giving producers a 54 per cent share of South Korea's import market and 22 per cent of Japan's, at the expense of competing sellers. "China's surplus of coal is playing a significant role in setting the world market price," says Hugh Morgan, former head of Western Mining, of Australia.

从这些不同的市场中可以看出,中国在全球经济中的增长和成熟,对商品而言是把双刃剑。
As these divergent markets show, China's growth and maturation in the global economy are a double-edged sword for commodities.

除铁矿外,中国的需求还在推动镍、铜、氧化铝、铂等金属价格上涨,迫使国内的中型钢铁生产商竞相确保供给。
On top of iron ore, Chinese demand is pushing prices higher for nickel, copper, alumina and platinum, forcing medium-sized local steelmakers to scramble to secure supplies.

上海复星集团董事梁信军说:“可以预见,中国及全球钢产量的增长将促使钢价下降,原料价格上升。”复星集团是中国最大的民营钢铁生产商之一。
"It's predictable that rising steel production in China and around the world will force the price of steel down and raw materials up," says Liang Xinjun, a director of the Fosun Group in Shanghai, one of China's largest private steelmakers.

但中国是铝、煤、锡、镁、锌和铅的净出口国,由于资本和劳动力成本低廉,所有这些商品可能很快出现投资过度的情况,很多制造行业就出现过类似情况。
But China is a net exporter of aluminium, coal, tin, magnesium, zinc and lead, all commodities where the country's low capital and labour costs can quickly lead to overinvestment, as has happened in many manufacturing sectors

中国曾是铝的净进口国。但到2000年,全球市场的氧化铝供应价格短暂走低,国内电力也出现过剩,各公司开始乘机提高熔炼产能。麦格理证券的列农先生表示:“在中国,建立熔炼产能的成本约为每公吨1500美元,而在西方国家,这个数字是4500美元。因此,在中国三年内便可收回投资。”
In aluminium, China was a net importer until 2000, when companies began increasing smelting capacity to take advantage of a temporary supply of cheap alumina on global markets and surplus power at home. "The cost of building the capacity in China is roughly $1,500 a tonne compared with $4,500 in the west, so you get a capital payback within three years," says Macquarie's Mr Lennon.

过去三年内,中国的熔炼产能每年增长25%,超过了10%至15%的需求年增长率,迫使中国将过剩产品出口。与此同时,低价氧化铝的供给已枯竭,导致许多熔炼厂陷入财务困境。
Smelting capacity in China has risen 25 per cent annually for three years, outstripping the 10-15 per cent yearly increase in demand, forcing it to export excess production. At the same time, the supply of cheap alumina has dried up, putting many smelters under financial strain.

由于担心产能过度扩张,中央政府正试图暂时禁止任何形式的产能增长,但政府是否能在地方执行这项禁令尚不得而知。目前,用来炼制不锈钢的铁矿石、氧化铝和镍等商品价格不断上涨。由于中国的工业结构高度零碎,因此与世界其它市场相比,中国市场更深刻地感受到了价格上涨的影响。在日本,不同的钢铁公司往往联合起来,以单个实体的形式与供应商洽谈长期合同。但与日本不同,中国工业处于高度分散状态,而且长期以来习惯在现货市场上购买商品。
Fearful of over-expansion, the central government is trying to implement a moratorium on new capacity in any case, but it is yet to be seen whether it has the power to enforce this at a local level. The rising prices of commodities such as iron ore, alumina and nickel, used to make stainless steel, are felt much more acutely in China than other markets because of the highly fragmented structure of its industry. Unlike Japan, where different steel companies join to negotiate long-term contracts with suppliers as a single entity, Chinese industry is highly fragmented and long accustomed to buying on the spot market.

中国的买家一度被誉为精明的商人,因为他们常常能预测市场何时见底。但过去两年的事实证明,这种做法让他们付出了昂贵的代价,并导致灾难性的后果。
Once hailed as canny traders who often called the bottom of the market, this has proved to be an expensive disaster for Chinese buyers over the last two years.

此外,资源整合使各公司对资本支出非常谨慎,反过来导致供给萎缩,并抬升了现货价格。氧化铝的现货价格今年已上涨一倍;镍精矿和铜精矿的价格也已飚升。为增加储备,2003年年初至今,中国的镍进口量已比去年增长250%。
Furthermore, the consolidation of resources has made companies cautious about committing capital expenditure, in turn contracting supply and jacking up spot prices. The spot price for alumina has doubled this year; prices for nickel and copper concentrate have also soared. Attempting to build up supplies, China has increased its imports of nickel 250 per cent so far in 2003 over last year.

“过去,没有人愿意与中国商人达成长期合约,因为一旦现货价格降至合同价格以下,他们就会去做现货交易,”伦敦的一名交易员表示,“不过,他们现在已经意识到,供给来源是无法保证的,他们须信守合同,像世界其它国家一样行事。”
"No one wanted to do a long-term contract with China, because they would walk away when the spot price went lower than the contract level," says a London-based trader. "They have realised they don't have a guaranteed source of supply, and they need to honour contracts and behave like the rest of the world."
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
9月21日 每日英语 中国将投资欧盟卫星导航系统

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中国将投资欧盟卫星导航系统
朱蒂•邓普斯(Judy Dempsey)和托拜厄斯•巴克(Tobias Buck)布鲁塞尔报道


中国周四宣布,将投资于可与美国的全球定位系统(GPS)相抗衡的“伽利略”系统。这一消息令欧盟(EU)想成为全球卫星导航系统技术领袖的雄心倍受鼓舞。


该项目将耗资32.5亿欧元,由欧盟运输事务专员洛约拉•德•帕拉西奥(Loyola de Palacio)负责。帕拉西奥表示:“在日益增长的定位服务市场中,中国将帮助‘伽利略’系统成为全球主要的基础设施。”

欧盟委员会的一些高级官员表示,中国方面的投资可能超过2.3亿欧元。在项目的初始阶段,这笔投资将为中国政府提供一个更先进的卫星系统,以将其通讯系统进行升级,并提高一系列民用活动的精确度。

然而,由于伽利略系统在军事应用方面拥有巨大的潜力,因此这项交易最终还可能加强中国政府和欧盟在国防事务方面的合作。

欧盟委员会起初不愿与中国商谈这项交易,担心会使自己与美国国防部的谈判复杂化,目前美国仍反对欧盟开发独立的卫星系统。美国反复表示,GPS提供的卫星覆盖面已经足够,伽利略系统将导致重复开发。

然而,欧盟委员会决定继续推动谈判,称这将向美国政府表明,与欧盟15个成员国一样,中国政府同样致力于开发伽利略系统。

欧盟委员会官员表示,一直以来,中国感兴趣的主要是投资于伽利略系统的高端领域,即PRS,这项服务用于警务和安全服务部门。

预计PRS将在2008年前完全投入运行。欧盟委员会表示,中国将无法获得PRS高度加密的编码。相反,委员会一名官员表示,欧盟将考虑第一笔投资“落实”的情况。

与以往的交易相比,这项交易对欧盟与中国的关系具有更长远的意义。

欧盟委员会官员表示,中国最终可能用伽利略系统部署其武器系统,这个决定可能会为欧洲公司带来获利丰厚的国防合同。

China invests in EU rival to Pentagon's GPS
By Judy Dempsey and Tobias Buck in Brussels
Published: September 18 2003 21:09 | Last Updated: September 18 2003 21:09


China is to invest in Galileo, the European Union's rival to the Pentagon-controlled Global Positioning System, boosting Europe's hopes of competing with the US in navigation satellite technology.


The investment, which according to senior Commission officials could total more than
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
每日英语 9月20日--IMF指责亚洲使世界经济复苏失衡 Asian currency manipulation comes under fire

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IMF指责亚洲使世界经济复苏失衡
艾伦•贝蒂(Alan Beattie)迪拜报道
2003年9月19日 星期五 出版


国际货币基金组织(IMF)称,亚洲国家维持低汇率正在使世界经济复苏过程失去平衡,有可能在今后几年给经济带来不稳定。


IMF首席经济学家肯尼斯•罗戈夫(Kenneth Rogoff)昨天在发布世界经济展望报告时指出,虽然经济复苏正在加速,但是仍然依赖于美国的国内需求,这是很危险的,而且正在将美国经常帐户赤字推高到不可持续的水平。IMF每年发布两次世界经济展望报告。

亚洲国家操纵汇率可能会成为IMF/世界银行明天召开会议的中心议题。尽管中国持不妥协的态度,美国和欧洲政策制定者仍希望在会议上讨论这个问题。

IMF在展望报告中略微调高了对明年全球增长的预测。上月末泄露的早期版本所作的预测为4.1%。IMF将今年美国经济增长预测上调0.2%,将增长2.6%,明年增长3.9%。

但是罗戈夫先生说,庞大并日益增长的美国经常帐户赤字,有可能在某个时点触发美元的大幅贬值。他强调指出,这可能是一个从现在起到未来两至五年之间发生的中期问题。但是,他警告说,在某个时点这种调整是不可避免的。罗戈夫先生将于本月底离开IMF。

“与所有亚洲货币也允许对美元大幅升值的情况相比,如果欧元不得不承受美元调整的大部分负担,将会造成很多困难,”他说,“全球经济依靠单引擎驱动情况本来就已经很糟糕,如果还不得不靠单轮行走,情况将更加难以想象。”

中国央行行长昨天否定了任何很快改革中国汇率机制的可能,但强调指出政府正密切关注事态的发展。中国央行行长周小川指出:中国的改革是渐进的,不可能指望发生突然变化。

IMF一直坚持认为,亚洲国家政府应当允许其汇率更为灵活。一些亚洲国家通过干预来防止其货币对美元的汇率上涨,已经积累了巨额美元储备。在全球经济复苏发生不平衡的情况下,这些警告现在进一步增加了紧迫性。IMF预测,在2008年之前,美国的经常帐户赤字占国内生产总值的比重,将保持在4%的历史高水平。

日本也大力干预汇市,今年前7个月已经动用750亿美元,阻止日元兑美元升值。昨天,美元兑日元汇率首次下降到1美元兑115日元,这是2001年以来的最低水平。因为交易员估计,为了避免在周末会议上受到批评,日本当局可能收敛其干预的程度。外汇市场交易员常常把1美元兑换115日元看作是底线,日本当局将不会允许美元汇率低于该水平。

亚历山德拉•哈尼(Alexandra Harney)香港、珍妮弗•休斯(Jennifer Hughes)伦敦补充报道

Asian currency manipulation comes under fire
By Alan Beattie in Dubai
Published: September 18 2003 21:01 | Last Updated: September 18 2003 21:01


Asian intervention to hold currencies down is helping to push the world economic recovery off balance and risks creating instability in coming years, says the International Monetary Fund.

Presenting its twice-yearly world economic outlook on Thursday, Kenneth Rogoff, the IMF's chief economist, said that while the recovery was gathering pace, it was still dangerously dependent on US domestic demand, driving the US current account deficit up to unsustainable levels.

Exchange-rate manipulation in Asia is likely to be a focus in the IMF/World Bank meetings that begin tomorrow, with US and European policymakers promising to raise the issue despite Chinese intransigence.

In the outlook, the IMF revised global growth slightly upwards from an early version leaked late last month, predicting 4.1 per cent growth next year. The forecast for US growth was revised up 0.2 percentage points to 2.6 per cent growth this year and 3.9 per cent next.

But Mr Rogoff, who leaves the fund at the end of the month, said the large and growing US current account deficit would at some point provoke a sharp decline in the dollar. He stressed that this was a problem that would probably come to a head in two to five years from now, but warned that a correction at some point was inevitable.


IMF meetings in Dubai


For more news and analysis on the annual meetings of the IMF and World Bank in Dubai, go to our special page Click here
"If the euro has to bear the lion's share of the adjustment in the dollar, that is going to create a lot more difficulties than if all the Asian currencies also allow themselves to appreciate significantly against the dollar," he said. "It is bad enough that the global economy has been flying on one engine but it is going to be a lot worse if it has to land on one wheel."

China's central bank governor on Thursday continued to rule out any rapid change to the country's exchange rate regime, but stressed that the government was watching the situation closely.

The IMF argues that Asian governments, several of which have built up huge dollar reserves intervening to weaken their own currencies, should allow more flexibility in their exchange rates. Its warnings have been given added urgency by the lopsided global economic recovery, which has driven the US current account deficit higher.

The IMF projects the US deficit to remain above the historically high level of 4 per cent of gross domestic product until 2008.

Japan has also been intervening heavily, spending $75bn in the first seven months of the year to prevent the yen rising against the dollar.

On Thursday the dollar fell below Y115 for the first time since February 2001, as traders bet that the Japanese authorities might refrain from intervening to head off criticism at this weekend's meetings. The Y115 level had often been regarded by traders as a level below which the Japanese authorities would not allow it to fall.

Additional reporting by Alexandra Harney in Hong Kong and Jennifer Hughes in London
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
9月21日 每日英语 中国将投资欧盟卫星导航系统

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中国将投资欧盟卫星导航系统
朱蒂•邓普斯(Judy Dempsey)和托拜厄斯•巴克(Tobias Buck)布鲁塞尔报道


中国周四宣布,将投资于可与美国的全球定位系统(GPS)相抗衡的“伽利略”系统。这一消息令欧盟(EU)想成为全球卫星导航系统技术领袖的雄心倍受鼓舞。


该项目将耗资32.5亿欧元,由欧盟运输事务专员洛约拉•德•帕拉西奥(Loyola de Palacio)负责。帕拉西奥表示:“在日益增长的定位服务市场中,中国将帮助‘伽利略’系统成为全球主要的基础设施。”

欧盟委员会的一些高级官员表示,中国方面的投资可能超过2.3亿欧元。在项目的初始阶段,这笔投资将为中国政府提供一个更先进的卫星系统,以将其通讯系统进行升级,并提高一系列民用活动的精确度。

然而,由于伽利略系统在军事应用方面拥有巨大的潜力,因此这项交易最终还可能加强中国政府和欧盟在国防事务方面的合作。

欧盟委员会起初不愿与中国商谈这项交易,担心会使自己与美国国防部的谈判复杂化,目前美国仍反对欧盟开发独立的卫星系统。美国反复表示,GPS提供的卫星覆盖面已经足够,伽利略系统将导致重复开发。

然而,欧盟委员会决定继续推动谈判,称这将向美国政府表明,与欧盟15个成员国一样,中国政府同样致力于开发伽利略系统。

欧盟委员会官员表示,一直以来,中国感兴趣的主要是投资于伽利略系统的高端领域,即PRS,这项服务用于警务和安全服务部门。

预计PRS将在2008年前完全投入运行。欧盟委员会表示,中国将无法获得PRS高度加密的编码。相反,委员会一名官员表示,欧盟将考虑第一笔投资“落实”的情况。

与以往的交易相比,这项交易对欧盟与中国的关系具有更长远的意义。

欧盟委员会官员表示,中国最终可能用伽利略系统部署其武器系统,这个决定可能会为欧洲公司带来获利丰厚的国防合同。

China invests in EU rival to Pentagon's GPS
By Judy Dempsey and Tobias Buck in Brussels
Published: September 18 2003 21:09 | Last Updated: September 18 2003 21:09


China is to invest in Galileo, the European Union's rival to the Pentagon-controlled Global Positioning System, boosting Europe's hopes of competing with the US in navigation satellite technology.


The investment, which according to senior Commission officials could total more than
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9月19日,每日英语

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09 月19 日
世贸谈判聚焦韩国农业困境 Tragedy at trade talks puts focus on plight of Sth Korea's agricultural sector


世贸组织谈判的破裂让四十一岁的韩国农民、拥农主义者朴兴植(Park Heung-sik)松了口气。
The collapse of the World Trade Organisation talks was a relief to Park Heung-sik, a 41-year-old South Korean farmer and farming activist.

朴先生是一位佃农,他在汉城西南部的金堤市(Kimje)经营着八公顷的稻田。对于他和许多韩国农民来说,今年年景很不好。暴雨和上星期的台风造成至少96人死亡,并淹没了他绝大多数的稻田。“今年的收成将会是最糟的,”他说:“我不得不另谋生路了。”
Mr Park is a tenant of eight hectares of rice paddies in Kimje, south-west of Seoul. This year has been bad for him and many other South Korean farmers. Heavy rain and last week's typhoon, which killed at least 96 people, flooded most of his rice field. "We are expecting the worst harvest this year," he says. "I have to find a way to make a living."

朴先生是这个国家360万农民中的一员。飞快的工业化进程尽管让韩国成为全球第12大经济强国,却使该国赖以为生的农业日渐凋敝,面临着被边缘化的危险。今年,格外恶劣的天气、廉价的中国农产品大量涌入以及外界要求进一步开放韩国农产品市场的压力,使农民们的境遇愈发窘迫。
Mr Park is one of 3.6m farmers clinging to the country's fading agrarian past and marginalised by rapid industrialisation, which has transformed South Korea into the world's 12th-largest economy. The plight of farmers has worsened this year due to the bad weather, a flood of cheap Chinese imports and growing external pressure to further open the country's agricultural market.

这些压力终于在上周导致了一名韩国农民抗议者在墨西哥的坎昆(Canc鷑)自杀。死者名叫李耿海(Lee Kyung-hae)。他在反对世贸谈判的一次激烈抗议中自杀,希望籍此唤起人们的警觉:世界各国对全球化所带来的一系列灾难性后果。
These pressures led to the suicide of Lee Kyung-hae, a defender of Korean farmers, in Canc鷑, Mexico, last week. Mr Lee killed himself in a violent protest at the world trade talks in an attempt to alert the world to the disastrous consequences of globalisation.

他的死震惊了韩国朝野。人们开始怀疑农业是否还能在高度工业化和迅速全球化的经济中拥有一席之地。朴先生警告说:“如果政府继续开放稻米市场,我们的农业将遭受灭顶之灾。”
His death has shocked Koreans back home and made people question whether agriculture has any future in a heavily industrialised and rapidly globalising economy. "If the government opens up the rice market further, our agriculture will be completely demolished," warns Mr Park.

和日本一样,韩国为了保护本国农业,至今仍设置了极高的贸易壁垒。政府对142种农产品征收超过100%的关税。特别是稻米,由于长期处于政府的庇护伞下,使得韩国消费者不得不花相当于国际市场六倍的价格来购买稻米。
South Korea, like Japan, has so far protected its agricultural sector with high trade barriers. The government imposes tariffs of more than 100 per cent on 142 farm products. Rice, in particular, has been sheltered from competition, forcing Korean consumers to pay about six times the world market price.

尽管在最近几年中,韩国政府根据1994年的乌拉圭回合协定,在其进口食品的关税上作了让步,但韩国仍有十年保护期,有权对进口稻米保持原关税征收水平。
And though the government has made concessions on other food imports in recent years, under the Uruguay round agreement of 1994, South Korea was given a grace period of 10 years to maintain tariffs on rice imports.

然而由于保护期限的临近,政府应当在明年同诸如美国和澳大利亚这样的稻米出口大国,就进一步的开放市场进行新一轮磋商。“当明年的谈判开始之后,政府将很可能被迫进一步开放稻米市场,”韩国经济研究所的一位研究员李在玉(Lee Jae-ok)预测道:“这将使农民的生活更加艰难。”
However, that time is almost up and the government is supposed to renegotiate next year with rice exporters such as the US and Australia on further market opening. "When the negotiations start next year, the government will probably have to open up the rice market further," says Lee Jae-ok, a researcher at Korea Economic Research Institute. "It will make farmers' life harder."

虽然韩国政府重申了其保护稻米市场的承诺,但农民和政府官员们都承认,市场开放的趋势已无可避免。“虽然这次世贸谈判破裂了,但市场开放只是一个时间问题。即使是农民们也清楚这一点,”韩国农业部国际合作办主任金升明(Kim Sung-min)说:“但是我们会全力防止市场开放过快,从而把其负面影响减到最低。”
The government has re- affirmed its commitment to protect the rice market but farmers as well as government officials admit that market opening has become an unavoidable trend. "The WTO talks broke down but market opening is a matter of time now. Even farmers know that," says Kim Sung-min, director at the agriculture ministry's international co-operation division. "But we will do our utmost not to open the market rapidly so that we can minimise its negative impact."

自1994年以来,韩国政府花费了718千亿韩元(合613亿美元)对农业进行现代化改造,但好象对该国的稻米生产影响甚微。戴着草帽的农民们仍然停留在用牛耕地,用手工播种以及用镰刀收割的原始生产方式上。
Since 1994 the government has sought to modernise the farming industry by spending Won71,800bn ($61.3bn, ?54.9bn, ?8.6bn) on the sector. But little appears to have changed in the country's rice paddies. Farmers in straw hats still plough the land with cows, plant seeds by hand and harvest stalks with sharp sickles.

从事农业生产的人数减少了30%,而其中65岁以上的农民占到四分之一多。在这一时期,尽管有稳定的政府补贴,农民的家庭负债额仍翻了三倍。
The farming community's numbers have been reduced by about 30 per cent with the proportion of farmers above the age of 65 rising to more than a quarter. Their household debts have tripled over the period, despite steady government subsidies.

农民们认为,解决问题的唯一办法是把农业排除在世贸协定之外。“即使缺乏竞争力,对于农业问题也不应用纯粹的经济眼光去看待。就算是出于对国家安全、农村经济和其它文化及环境因素的考虑,农业也应受到保护,”李先生争辩道。
Farmers say the only solution to their problems would be to exclude agriculture from the WTO negotiations. "Agriculture should not be seen in a purely economic light. Even if it lacks competitiveness, it should be protected for national security, the rural economy and other cultural and environmental reasons," argues Mr Lee.

可是,不论韩国人对其农业根基的传统情感有多深,农民们的呼声和选票数都今不如昔。农业占全国国内生产总值的份额从1963年的46%下降到2002年的3.5%。而且农民人数现在也只占全国总人口的7.5%。
But despite Koreans' traditional attachment to their agrarian roots, farmers' voices and votes count for much less these days. The agricultural sector's share of the country's gross domestic product has fallen from 46 per cent in 1963 to 3.5 per cent in 2002 and the farmers now make up just 7.5 per cent of the population.

韩国外交部的一名官员这样说:“世贸谈判将最终通过解除对市场的管制而促进经济的发展。”
"The WTO talks will eventually benefit the economy by deregulating markets," says one foreign ministry official.
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9月18日,每日英语

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09 月18 日
天气不应成为赔钱的借口 Whatever the weather, it's no excuse to lose money


为逃避前所未有的酷暑,纽约人不顾一切地订票去加勒比海、佛罗里达和欧洲旅行。但《纽约时报》上周报道说,避暑地的天气太阴沉,以至纽约人只能“干瞪着空荡荡的海滩,或大雨倾盆的游泳池,被困在度假屋里,哪儿也去不了”。
New Yorkers are desperately booking trips to the Caribbean, Florida and Europe to escape the summer-that-never-was. Gloomy summer weather trapped New Yorkers "inside the confines of their weekend shares or summer rentals and held them hostage there, as they stared out at an empty beach or a swimming pool pelted by raindrops", The New York Times reported last week.

穆菲•波特•阿斯顿(Muffie Potter Aston)对《纽约时报》说,她和丈夫订了到保加利亚、罗马尼亚和柏林的12日游。“8月的一个周末,我们坐在房间里看着又一场倾盆大雨,于是我们说:‘我受够了,离开这个鬼地方。任何地方都好过这里,我们来订酒店吧。’ 今年夏天真倒霉,一个周末接一个周末的雨,真不知道那些伦敦人是怎么过的。”
Muffie Potter Aston told the newspaper that she and her husband had booked a 12-day trip to Bulgaria, Romania and Berlin. "One weekend in August, we were sitting inside watching another downpour and we said: 'That's it. We're out of here. Let's make reservations, because anywhere's better than this.' The summer really got to us, weekend after weekend of rain," she said. "I don't know how those Londoners do it."

穆菲,让我来告诉你我们是怎样过的。我们会打开一张帆布躺椅,躺在花园一个阴凉的角落里,开一罐饮料,把自己沉浸到一本好书中去,偶尔歇息一会,向头顶上的蓝天投去深情的一瞥。今年,伦敦的夏天一直阳光灿烂,到现在头顶上还几乎没有出现过一朵乌云。
I will tell you how we do it, Muffie. We pull a deck-chair over to a shady corner of the garden, open a can of something cold and lose ourselves in a good book, breaking off occasionally to cast loving glances at the blue sky above. London has had a glorious summer and there is still barely a cloud overhead.

但不是所有人都喜欢阳光。纽约的旅行社可能在享受着一拨拨的度假预订,但他们的英国同行可乐不起来,因为英国人都待在家里享受这难得的好天气。据主管旅游事务的英国旅游局(VisitBritain)统计,今年夏天,待在家里的英国人是出国旅行人数的三倍。
But not everyone likes the sunshine. New York travel agents may be enjoying the last-minute bookings, but their UK counterparts are not smiling - because the British are staying home to enjoy the weather. Three times as many people stayed home this summer as went abroad, according to VisitBritain, the tourism body.

除各家旅行社外,炎热的天气还令许多其它英国公司感到恼火。巧克力商Thorntons抱怨说,炎热的夏天导致它的特色巧克力需求下降,使全年税前利润减少了近10%。
Plenty of other UK companies have been irritated by the heat. Thorntons blamed the fine summer for reducing demand for its speciality chocolates, depressing its annual pre-tax profits by almost 10 per cent.

爱尔兰建材集团CRH则把上半年利润下降18%归咎于高温和寒冷天气。冬天时,美国和东欧遭寒流袭击,致使一些DIY发烧友决定将修理漏雨小屋的时间推迟到夏天;而接下来欧洲又遭遇酷暑,迫使另一些人把修理时间又推迟到秋天。
CRH, the Irish building materials group, managed to blame both hot and cold weather for an 18 per cent fall in first-half profits. A cold snap in the US and eastern Europe resulted in some do-it-yourself enthusiasts postponing the repair of their leaking sheds until the summer, and then the hot European summer persuaded others to put it off until the autumn.

目前,很明显有一些企业已受到了天气的影响,其中包括石油、天然气和电力公司等。当我还是跑能源新闻的记者时,我的任务之一是每月电传一份英国冬季的气温记录表给纽约的编辑。由于这些数据是刚过去一个月的气温状况,所以我不太确定对读者有什么用。我觉得读者可能更希望看到对气温的预报。不过尽管如此,读者还是对报纸照订不误。
Now, there clearly are businesses that are affected by the weather - oil, gas and electricity companies among them. One of my tasks when I was a junior reporter on energy newsletters was to telex a monthly table of UK winter temperatures to my editors in New York. As these temperatures were for the month that had just passed, I am not sure what use they were to our readers, who might have preferred a forecast, but it did not stop them renewing their subscriptions.

天热时,对啤酒、冰激凌和防晒霜的需求明显上升,就像下雨时雨伞的销量增加一样。但销售报纸、杂志、录像带和CD的WH Smith上月竟也把销售平平归结于高温天气,这时我们就有权发问:这个公司的经理们到底作了多大的努力呢?
Demand for beer, ice-cream and suntan oil obviously rises during hot weather, just as sales of umbrellas go up when it rains. But when WH Smith, which sells newspapers, magazines, videos and CDs, blames flat sales on the hot weather, as it did last month, we are entitled to ask how hard its managers are trying.

天气炎热难耐时,逛商店的人可能会减少。但与欧洲大陆不同的是,英国虽然也热,但大多数情况下尚可忍受。既然在自家花园里消夏的人如此之多,WH Smith应该能卖出比平常更多的杂志。
Fewer people might wander down to the shops when it is unbearably hot but, unlike continental Europe, the UK has mostly been bearably hot. With so many people spending the summer in their gardens, it should not have been hard for WH Smith to sell them more magazines than usual.

法兰克福汽车展期间,有公告说8月份炎热的天气导致欧洲汽车销售量下滑,这一说法更值得仔细推敲。一般来说,原计划8月买车的人,现在却在游泳池边消夏他们可能会推迟到9月份买。你不太会听到别人这么说:“我们去年需要一辆车,因为惠特尼(Whitney)在市区另一头找到了工作,但老实说(没买车的原因是),该死的天气太热了。”
The announcement during the Frankfurt motor show that European car sales were down because of the hot August weather deserves even closer scrutiny. People who were planning to buy a car in August but decided to relax by the pool instead will presumably buy one in September. You do not often hear people say: "We needed a new car last year, what with Whitney getting that job on the other side of town, but, frankly, it was too darn hot."

正如玛莎•斯塔尔-麦克卢尔(Martha Starr-McCluer) 2000年在一篇文章中指出的那样,因异常天气引发的当月销售下滑通常都会在下个月得到弥补。玛莎•斯塔尔-麦克卢尔是美联储理事会成员之一。
As Martha Starr-McCluer of the US Federal Reserve Board of Governors pointed out in a paper in 2000, dips in sales caused by unusual weather one month are often made up in the next.*

有很多公司通过调整商品和服务的种类来适应天气的变化,而不是怨天尤人。英国超市集团特易购(Tesco)昨天宣布,上半年盈利增长17.4%,并表示它实际上已从炎热气候中受益,因为烤肉、软饮料和色拉等产品都因天气炎热而销量增加。
There are companies that adjust their offerings to match changes in the weather rather than moaning about it. Tesco, the UK supermarket group, yesterday announced first-half profits up 17.4 per cent and said it had actually benefited from the hot weather, increasing sales of barbecues, soft drinks and salads.

英国气象服务供应商Met Office已与芝加哥商品交易所(CME)联手,共同提供天气衍生产品交易,这种衍生产品将保护企业免受欧洲过量的雨水和日照的影响。公司购买衍生产品合约后,如果温度或降雨超出了事先设定的范围,就可以获得赔偿。气象衍生产品交易从1999年开始在美国的交易所出现,但在欧洲它还是个新生事物。
The Met Office has linked up with the Chicago Mercantile Exchange to offer weather derivatives that allow companies to protect themselves against excessive European rain or sunshine. Companies buy contracts that pay out if temperature or rainfall exceeds a pre-set limit. Weather derivatives have traded on US exchanges since 1999 but are new to Europe.

考虑到企业在谈论天气上花费的时间,商学院和管理顾问们在提供处理这一问题的建议时却行动迟缓,这有点奇怪。普华永道(PwC)曾对天气衍生产品做过研究,但当我询问麦肯锡(McKinsey)他们的气候专家是谁时,他们说没有这么个人。哈佛商学院则表示,在所有教职员工中,还没有一个人就此问题做过研究。伦敦商学院说他们有个气象员,但结果是,此君对“人们赌天热的多还是天冷的多”(答案:赌天冷的多)之类的问题更感兴趣,而不是企业该如何面对这一问题。
Given how much time companies spend talking about the weather, it is odd that business schools and management consultants have been so slow to offer advice on how to deal with it. PwC has done research on weather derivatives, but when I asked McKinsey who their weather expert was, they confessed they did not have one. Harvard Business School said none of its faculty had done any work on the subject. London Business School said it had a weatherman, but he turned out to be more interested in such questions as whether people gambled more when it was hot or cold (answer: cold) than what companies could do about it.

在亚马逊网站最畅销的25种商务类图书中,有《工作中的快乐艺术》(Art of Happiness at Work),也有名为《自内而外:彻底设计你的人生》(Self Matters: Creating Your Life from the Inside Out)这样的书,但就是没有《怎样趁天晴时晒草(赚钱)》一书。
The top 25 business best-sellers on Amazon.com include The Art of Happiness at Work and a book entitled Self Matters: Creating Your Life from the Inside Out but nothing called How to Make Hay (and Money) While the Sun Shines.

奇怪的是,天气变化竟然能为商学院和咨询机构五花八门的胡猜乱想提供帮助。因为除了几天以内的天气外,没人能准确预测更长时间之后的情况,这便为咨询师和管理理论作家们提供了一种商业不确定因素,让他们可以在这个领域大显身手。防晒霜制造商是否也应走多元化道路,同时生产羊毛手套呢?欧洲汽车制造商是否应在海滩上设立销售网点呢?有关这一题材的书显然会有市场,或许我自己就会写一本――只要天气凉快下来。
What is strange about this is that the weather lends itself to all manner of business school and consultant speculation. Because no one can accurately predict the weather for more than a few days ahead, it provides the element of business uncertainty in which consultants and management writers thrive. Should sun cream manufacturers diversify into woollen gloves? Should Europe's car manufacturers set up sales offices on the beach? There is clearly a market for a book on the subject. I might write it myself - as soon as the weather cools down.
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12 月09 日每日英语--在放缓还是在加速? SLOWING DOWN OR SPEEDING UP?

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12 月09 日
在放缓还是在加速? SLOWING DOWN OR SPEEDING UP?


中国如谜,难以揣度。中国经济发展究竟是在放缓,还是在加速,投资者、经济学家,甚至北京的决策人都意见不一。
It is a measure of the conundrum that is China that investors, economists and even policy-makers in Beijing are divided about whether the economy is slowing down or speeding up.

2003年中国的国民生产总值增长率可望达到8.5%,在此形势下,政府却保守地把明年的目标定为7%。包括摩根士丹利在内的熊市论者预测实际增长率会略高于这一数字。以高盛公司为首的牛市论者则预测中国经济将加速增长,国民生产总值的增长率将达到9.5%。如果去看红红火火的建筑业,或是新近出现的电荒,我们似乎可以认为这些“官方”的国民生产总值数字将中国实际发展速度低估了三到四个百分点。
After expected gross domestic product growth of 8.5 per cent in 2003, the government has set a conservative target of just 7 per cent for next year. Bearish forecasters such as Morgan Stanley forecast a touch more. The bulls, led by Goldman Sachs, expect an acceleration to 9.5 per cent. And looking at construction activity or electricity demand suggests that these "official" measures of GDP are understating China's actual expansion by three to four percentage points.

在某个层面上看,这场争论似乎只有内行人才闹得明白。不管最后哪个数字正确,中国肯定还是世界上发展最快的经济体。但事实上,这争论却又有重大意义,而且这意义还不限于中国。
On one level, this seems a rather esoteric debate. Whichever number proves correct, China will surely remain the world's fastest-growing major economy. In truth, it matters hugely - and not just to China.

目前,中国的进口正以年均40%的速度飞速增长。这个号称世界工厂的国家在石油、金属、矿物和海运等方面已经掌握了控价权。在亚洲,中国对原材料和零部件的迫切需求能够帮助该地区(不仅是日本和韩国) 实现经济的振兴。
With imports growing at 40 per cent a year, the world's workshop has become the price-setter for oil, metals, minerals and shipping rates. In Asia, its thirst for raw materials and components has helped restart growth, not least in Japan and South Korea.

在此同时,中国的出口让美国消费者能够持续消费;中国巨大的外汇储备帮美国减少了现有的财政帐户赤字。中国的增长上升或下降一两个百分点,都会对全球商品、货币、股票的价格产生巨大影响,使之出现相应的升降。
Meanwhile, Chinese exports are keeping US consumers spending and its foreign exchange reserves are plugging the US current account deficit. A deviation in Chinese growth of a couple of per cent could have a big impact on global commodity, currency and stock prices - either up or down.

那么,究竟是升是降?2003年大部分时期,北京主要的担心是经济发展过热,一些城市的房地产市场以及汽车、钢铁和铝制品行业都出现了泡沫。为此,中央银行获准限制信贷,让增长缓慢下来。
So which is it? For much of 2003, Beijing's prime concern has been that growth was too frenetic, as shown by incipient bubbles in certain urban property markets, as well as the motor vehicle, steel and aluminium industries. Accordingly, the central bank was given permission in September to rein in credit growth in order to slow things down.

但是,这一强硬立场即便曾经存在过,看上去现在也已荡然无存。中国央行副行长吴晓灵在最近接受《金融时报》采访时,对经济过热的说法予以了否认。这说明银行对非金融领域的贷款还将快速增长。在2003年的前九个月,此类贷款就增加了50%以上。
But this hawkish consensus, if it ever really existed, appears to have broken down. In a recent interview with the FT, Wu Xiaoling, central bank vice-governor denied the economy was overheating. This suggests that bank lending to the non-financial sector, which rose by more than 50 per cent in the first nine months of 2003, will continue to grow rapidly.

但是,政策指导下的现代化过程可能将受到产能的局限。随着冬季的降临,电力短缺导致大量工厂停工,这会延缓外商投资,进而让增长略有放缓。有些城市甚至连红绿灯也关了。
This attempt at policy-directed moderation may, however, be giving way to one caused by capacity constraints. As winter approaches, power shortages are causing widespread factory shutdowns that already appear to be delaying foreign investment and could dampen growth at the margin. Some cities have even switched off their traffic lights.

从长远来讲,这一问题也不一定是坏事。尽管短期内它会对全球需求产生影响,现在软放缓总比以后硬着陆好。投资人应该仔细留意中国经济的红绿灯。
In the end, this might be no bad thing: despite the short-term adverse impact on global demand, a soft slowdown now is preferable to a hard landing later. Investors should watch those traffic lights.

如果经济放缓了,或许印度最终可以取而代之?印度财政部长贾斯旺特•辛格(Jaswant Singh) 上周就对《金融时报》表示,印度正“站在爆炸性增长的边缘。”
If China is slowing, perhaps India is at last ready to take its place? Indian finance minister Jaswant Singh told the FT last week India "stands on the edge of explosive economic growth".

不过不会。不管印度的电话服务中心如何兴盛,他们的软件人才英语口音如何纯正,还是不会取代中国。辛格先生希望占国民生产总值25%的农业出现第二次“绿色革命” ,还寄希望于印度发达的生产中心。
And no, it is not down to all those call centres manned by software specialists - however impeccable their English accents are. Mr Singh is pinning his hopes on a second "green revolution" in agriculture, still 25 per cent of GDP, and the prowess of India's manufacturing centre.

他的希望也有些道理。如果有个好的雨季,印度今年的经济增长可能会从4.4%上升到7%以上。印度的资金效率也可能高于中国。粗略算来,过去十年来中国的资金投资可能占国民生产总值的40%,由此产生8%的增长率。换言之,一美元投资产生20美分的增长。印度的资金投资占国民生产总值25%,产生6%的增长率,也就是说,印度一美元投资能产生24美分的增长。
There is something to this. A good monsoon should boost economic growth this year to above 7 per cent (from 4.4 per cent). And India's capital efficiency may actually be greater than China's. Very roughly, capital investment in China has run at about 40 per cent of GDP over the past decade, generating 8 per cent growth - or 20 cents of growth per dollar of investment. India, with growth of 6 per cent on investment of 25 per cent, has managed 24 cents on the dollar.

高盛公司在十月份发布了一份名为《巴西、俄罗斯、印度、中国四国畅想》(Dreaming with BRICs) 的发展中国家经济预测报告。报告预测,从长期来看,如果印度未来三十年内保持5%的增长率,最终会超过中国。
Goldman Sachs, in its October report on big emerging economies (Dreaming with BRICs) also estimated that over the very long term, Indian growth of 5 per cent per annum over the next 30 years, would outpace China.

当然,能否实现这一目标取决于宏观经济状况。过时的劳动法、总额接近11%的财政赤字、庞大的官僚机构,这都是有待克服的障碍。辛格先生本人也承认,“我们的公务员不太忙公务。”
That, of course, depends on sound macroeconomics. Antiquated labour laws, a consolidated fiscal deficit of almost 11 per cent and India's massive bureaucracy are all hurdles that need to be overcome. As Mr Singh himself admitted: "My civil service is not very civil."

2003年亚洲证券市场形势大好。按本国货币计算,增长约为35%,如果兑换成美元则更高。美国的经济复苏有所帮助,但是,证券市场的繁荣主要还是中国推动的结果,中国大陆在香港上市的股票数翻了一番。
Asian equities have had a splendid 2003, with local currency gains of about 35 per cent - and more in dollar terms. The US revival has helped but much of it, once again, is due to the pull from China: mainland stocks listed in Hong Kong have doubled.

所以,中国经济发展是否减速是投资者需要关注的一件事。另外要关注的是政治风险。2004年有8个国家要进行大选。
So a decline in Chinese growth is one thing for investors to watch. Another is political risk, with eight countries going to the polls in 2004.

但是乐观的是,亚洲的收益将增长25%,而期货价格指数(日本除外) 却只有13。清算方面也继续保持健康。自从2002年1月以来,该地区吸收了800亿美元的外资注入。如果巨大的家庭储蓄投入到股市,股市自然会大振,更是会让中国经济产生无可限量的增长。
On the plus side, however, Asian earnings should grow by 25 per cent and the forward price earnings ratio (ex-Japan) is only 13. Liquidity also remains healthy. Foreign funds have put $80bn into the region since January 2002. And if domestic households, with their vast savings, ever discover shares, that could help underpin stocks - whatever happens to China's growth.

作者邓伯乐(Dan Bogler) 是《金融时报》亚洲新闻编辑。作者信箱:daniel.bogler@ft.com
Dan Bogler is the FT's Asia news editor daniel.bogler@ft.com
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12 月08 日每日英语--稳定公约终结焉知非福 John Kay: A blessing in disguise?

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12 月08 日
稳定公约终结焉知非福 John Kay: A blessing in disguise?


随着《欧洲稳定与增长公约》的崩溃,欧元区财政政策陷入了一片混乱。但这不仅是欧盟整体面临的危机。布鲁塞尔的唇枪舌战说明,欧盟各成员国也同样面临着艰难抉择。而且,财政问题不光出现在法国和德国。英国财政大臣戈登•布朗(Gordon Brown)正在竭力平衡收支,为下周发表预算前声明做准备。而他的美国同行却干脆放弃了努力。美国政府财政赤字不断上升,同时还计划大幅度减税,而全国50个州几乎个个都存在财政危机。
The collapse of the stability and growth pact has left European fiscal policy in disarray. But this is not only a crisis for the European Union. Acrimonious debate in Brussels reflects hard choices at the national level. And not just in France and Germany. Gordon Brown, Britain's finance minister, is struggling to balance the books ahead of next week's pre-Budget statement. His US counterparts do not even try. The US has a growing federal deficit, plans for deep tax cuts and fiscal crisis in almost all 50 states.




近来,私营部门的会计师日子已很难过,而公共部门的会计师也是备感压力。至少,法德两国对违背欧盟预算规定的行为并不遮掩。而意大利却全靠公共财政管理人士耍手腕,才免遭责难。另外,布朗先生利用私人融资方案(PFI),把大笔公共借款挪至资产负债表外,从而使英国的公共债务维持在较低水平。
Private-sector accountants have had a rough time recently but public-sector accountants have also been under pressure. France and Germany have at least been open in their breach of the EU's budgetary rules. Had it not been for smart footwork by the people who manage its public finances, Italy would have been arraigned too. And Mr Brown has kept Britain's public debt low by taking large amounts of public borrowing off-balance-sheet through the private finance initiative.




本来,只有安达信(Arthur Andersen)的总部美国才有可能发明出动态记账法。由于减税必能推动经济增长,那么,美国表面上创造的赤字其实就是税收的增加。这种说法听上去是不是很耳熟?那是从一些人的说法演变而来的,他们曾说,网站越亏钱前景越光明。
Only the US, home of Arthur Andersen, could have invented dynamic scoring. Since tax cuts are sure to promote growth, the deficits they seem to create are really revenue enhancements. Sounds familiar? This comes from the people who told you that the more money a dotcom was losing, the better were its prospects.




在全球各地,货币政策已经博得信赖,正如财政政策已经不可信一样。通货膨胀已经得到遏制,但财政预算却陷入危机。
Around the world, monetary policy has gained credibility as fiscal policy has lost it. Inflation has been defeated but budgets are in crisis.




差异在于政治干预程度不同。政治家设立政策框架,让央行在此框架下履行货币政策的日常管理职能,而自己却欣然抽身退出。央行利用这种自治权树立了权威、培养出专业技能。但是,政治家不仅对财政政策的具体内容横加干涉,对其表达方式也是指手画脚。美国预测的预算目标是建立在匪夷所思的、通过政治手段强加的假设之上。
The difference is the level of political involvement. Politicians have willingly disengaged from the day-to-day management of monetary policy to set a framework within which central banks can perform that task. Central banks have used this autonomy to build authority and expertise. But politicians have engaged not just with the substance of fiscal policy but also with its presentation. US budget projections are based on fantastic assumptions, politically imposed.




可以设置更灵活的参数来取代《马斯特里赫特条约》(Maastricht)标准,但这样的政治机制无法解决上述根本问题。财政政策所需的框架必须具备道德权威,该灵活时就灵活,该严苛时就严苛,同时还要得到独立监控。财政政策机制,同美国联邦储备委员会或英国央行货币政策委员会一样,应该受到尊重。
A political fix that establishes more flexible parameters to replace the Maastricht criteria will not deal with this underlying problem. Fiscal policy needs a framework with moral authority, flexible when appropriate, rigid when necessary and independently monitored. Mechanisms of fiscal policy should enjoy the respect commanded by the Federal Reserve Board and the Bank of England's monetary policy committee.




成立一个财政政策委员会,这个主意似乎最先由美国经济学家艾伦•布林德(Alan Blinder)*提出,最近又由经济研究组织CESifo**在欧洲加以发展。该组织专家众多,政治独立,有望逐渐取得与各国货币监管机构同样的合法地位。这个委员会主要负责确定税收水平,而非税收结构,以满足支出决策的资金需要。此外它还须掂量:公共账目是否确实公正真实。如果该机构因保持独立而赢得公众信任,证券市场就将迫使政府重视它的观点。
The idea of a fiscal policy commission seems to have originated with Alan Blinder, the US economist*, and has recently been developed in Europe by CESifo, the economic research organisation**. Expertly staffed and politically independent, such a body could gradually establish the same legitimacy as agencies of monetary policing. Its primary task would be to define the level - not the structure - of taxation needed to finance expenditure decisions. It would consider whether public accounts did indeed reflect a true and fair view. And as it gained credit for its independence, securities markets would make it hard for governments to ignore what it said.




由于欧盟采用单一货币,因此财政政策都应在国家和国家之上两个层面得到监督。为使欧元区成为一个整体,有必要成立一个欧洲财政政策委员会,与欧洲央行平行运作,或在欧洲央行管理下运作。它的主要任务将是,评估各国财政政策是否与欧洲央行的通胀目标保持一致。
The EU's common currency requires both supranational and national supervision of fiscal policy. For the eurozone as a whole, a European fiscal policy commission should stand alongside the European Central Bank and perhaps operate under its auspices. Its brief would be to assess the consistency of national fiscal policies with the ECB's inflation targets.




但是,只有得到各成员国国内类似机构的支持,上述机构才能发挥作用。各国政府决不会将制定税率的重任委与他人,但可能、也应该委任他人来判断与计划支出相应的整体税收水平。正如货币政策机构一样,最好的财政政策机构也会对能力较弱的财政政策机构施加竞争压力,并改善它们的技能。
But it will be effective only if supported by similar bodies in individual member states. Governments will never delegate responsibility for setting tax rates. But they could, and should, delegate responsibility for judging the overall tax level appropriate to planned expenditure. As with monetary agencies, the best fiscal agencies would impose competitive pressure on the weaker and enhance their skills.




如果稳定公约的终结将带来新的财政政策监控方法,那么,它的终结将是一场胜利,而不是失败。这种机制布鲁塞尔、巴黎和柏林都需要,纽约和华盛顿甚至更需要。
The end of the stability pact will be a victory rather than a defeat if it leads to new ways of monitoring and controlling fiscal policy. Such mechanisms are needed in Brussels, Paris and Berlin. They are needed even more in New York and Washington.




*“政府是否过于政治化?”《外交事务》,1997年
* 'Is government too political?', Foreign Affairs, 1997

**欧洲经济顾问团体(EEAG)2003年欧洲经济报告



** EEAG Report on the European Economy 2003
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12 月05 日每日英语--中国增长面临电力短缺制约 China's engine of growth faces brake on progress

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12 月05 日
中国增长面临电力短缺制约 China's engine of growth faces brake on progress


工厂只开夜班,或者强制休假。有些城市劝说居民不要用取暖器。距离上海不远的繁华城市杭州,甚至曾被一度拉了交通灯的闸,造成交通一片混乱。
Factories are working only at night, or taking enforced holidays. Families in some cities are being urged not to turn on their heaters. And in Hangzhou, a boom town near Shanghai, they even switched off the traffic lights for a while, creating havoc on the roads.

由于发电厂的供电能力无法与工业需求的增长保持同步,中国电力紧张正在开始明显影响人们的日常生活。现在,有人认为电力短缺可能也将制约经济增长。
China's electricity shortages, because of suppliers' inability to keep pace with the astonishing growth in industrial demand, are starting to have a palpable effect on everyday life. Now, there are suggestions the shortages may constrain economic growth too.

据政府机构国家电力信息网预测,明年将发生更为严重的电力短缺和更多的电力配给。
And the State Power Information Network, a government organisation, forecast worse shortages and more power rationing next year.

很难估计短缺的严重程度。这方面的官方统计非常零散,受到制约的需求也不容易测量。但是,种种情况表明,最近电力配给、断电和政府担忧的程度显著提高。虽然中国正在以相当高的速度增加供电能力,但是实现电力供应与需求的平衡,也需要一定的时间,有的估计需要一年,有的认为需要2年。
It is hard to be sure how severe the shortages are. Official statistics are patchy and suppressed demand is hard to measure, but anecdotal evidence suggests a sharp recent rise in electricity rationing, blackouts and government concern. Even though the country is adding capacity at a remarkable rate, it will be some time before supply catches up with demand -estimates vary from one to two years.

中国资本密集行业专业咨询公司Urandaline的总经理迈克尔•科米萨拉夫(Michael Komesaroff)说:“短缺情况很糟糕。32个省、市、自治区中有21个经历过某种形式的限电。
Michael Komesaroff, managing director of Urandaline, a consultancy specialising in Chinese capital-intensive industry, said: "The shortages are bad. Twenty one out of the total 32 provinces and regions are experiencing some form of power restriction."

受冲击最严重的是中国增长最快的地区,特别是长江三角洲地区,包括浙江省、江苏省和上海市。去年,这三个省市占中国国内生产总值的23%。广东省的一些城市,占中国制造业产品出口的很大部分,也被迫实行电力配给。
Hardest-hit are China's fastest-growing areas, especially the Yangtze river delta area, including the provinces of Zhejiang and Jiangsu and the city of Shanghai, which together accounted for 23 per cent of gross domestic product last year. Some cities in Guangdong, the southern province that supplies most of China's manufacturing exports, have also been forced into rationing.

省长黄华华表示:“电力是我们发展所面临的主要瓶颈之一。”
Huang Huahua, provincial governor, said: "This is one of the major bottlenecks that we are facing in our development."

东莞,广东珠江三角洲地区的一个制造业中心,拥有25万家工厂。那里的一些工厂被要求一周停产一天或者夜间开工。用电密集型行业的外国投资者对这种情况表示“忧虑”,一位不愿透露姓名的外国公司主管说。
In Dongguan, a manufacturing centre in Guangdong's Pearl River Delta that is home to more than 25,000 factories, some plants are being asked to shut down production one day a week or work through the night. Foreign investors in power-intensive industries are "worried" about the situation, said one executive, who declined to be identified.

“今后四至五年内我们将面临(电力短缺)的问题。”广东省的电力供应赶不上需求,今年前10个月的电力消耗,比2002年同期增加19.2%。
"The next four to five years we're going to have problems [with shortages]". Supply is failing to keep pace with demand in a province where total consumption in the 10 months to October, was 19.2 per cent more than during the same period in 2002.

长江三角洲地区的情况也类似。国家电网公司预测,明年浙江、江苏和上海电网分别缺电在524万千瓦和109万千瓦的之间,大约占电力总消耗的10-15%。
In the Yangtze river delta, the situation is similar. The shortage of electricity in Zhejiang, Jiangsu and Shanghai is forecast to range between 5.24m kw hours and 1.09m kw hours next year, the State Grid Corporation says - roughly 10 per cent to 15 per cent of total consumption.

杭州是浙江省发达的纺织业城市,当局对各市区轮流断电,并要求人们不要使用取暖器。
In Hangzhou, a booming textile town in Zhejiang, authorities are cutting power to city precincts on a revolving basis and entreating people not to use heaters.

长沙是华中省份湖南的首会,那里的情况甚至更糟。市政府官员上周对工厂采取了“供三天停一天”的办法。该市的一位官员说,不久可能将实行“供两天停一天”。
In Changsha, the capital of the central province of Hunan, the situation is worse. Municipal officials last week instituted a system of three days on, one day off for factories and may soon move to a two days on, one day off system, said Zhao Yuesi, a city official.

几个城市的官员指出,电力短缺已经影响到他们城市的经济增长,但是不清楚全国总体缺电的情况严重程度如何。按照官方的报道,中国国内生产总值今年前9个月增长8.5%,但是独立分析师认为实际数字会更高,也许在10%或11%。
Officials in several cities said the power shortages were already having a moderating effect on their economic growth, but it was not yet clear how severe this constraint may be for the country as a whole. China's GDP grew by an official 8.5 per cent in the first nine months of the year, but independent analysts put the real figure higher, at perhaps 10 or 11 per cent.

无论如何,一些分析师指出,对中国电力供应的担忧,可能也是造成外国直接投资速度趋缓的一个因素。今年7月至10月的四个月内,与去年同期相比,外国对华直接投资增幅下降。但是,总体而言,外国直接投资增长率仍然为正数,今年1月至10月增长5.8%,达435.6亿美元。
Nevertheless, some analysts said concerns about China's supply of power may also have been a factor in the slowing growth of foreign direct investment seen in the four months from July to October compared with the same months a year ago. The overall rate of FDI inflows remains positive, rising 5.8 per cent in the January to October period to $43.56bn (
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12 月04 日每日英语--中国应及早过渡到更灵活的汇率机制 China should soon move to a more flexible currency

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12 月04 日
中国应及早过渡到更灵活的汇率机制 China should soon move to a more flexible currency


人民币浮动还是不浮动,这是一个问题。更精确地说,这是其中一个问题。中国政府也可以将人民币与美元在更高的水平挂钩。最近对中国的访问使我相信,中国领导人在近期无意改变他们视为成功的机制。但是,该机制也不会永远不变。什么时候会变?又怎么样变呢?
To float or not to float, that is the question. To be more precise, it is one of the questions. The Chinese authorities could also repeg the renminbi at a higher rate. My recent visit has convinced me that the leadership will not change what they see as a successful regime in the near future. But it will also not last forever. When and how might it change?

自从中国似乎有意无限制地累积外汇储备以来,中国的贸易伙伴能够影响中国的手段便是有限的。这是中国要按照自己的条件进行的决策。然而,起点必须是,判断中国的货币是不是低估。许多美国人以美国对中国庞大且日益增加的双边贸易赤字为由,自然而然得出肯定的答案。但是,这不能说明什么问题。重要的是要看总体收支平衡状况。
Since the Chinese seem willing to accumulate foreign currency reserves without limit, the leverage of its partners is limited. This is a decision China will make, on its own terms. Nevertheless, the starting point must be whether the currency is undervalued. Many Americans assume it is, pointing to their country's vast, and growing, bilateral trade deficits. But these tell us nothing. What matters is the overall balance of payments.

在过去7年中,中国每年的经常帐户盈余为100亿至400亿美元。国际货币基金组织预测,今年的盈余为250亿美元,比国内生产总值的2%略低*。但是中国也经历着巨额外国直接投资净流入。如果把两方面汇总,今年的盈余将不低于国内生产总值的5%。
Over the past seven years, China has been running current account surpluses of about $10bn to $40bn a year (see chart). The International Monetary Fund forecasts the surplus this year at $25bn, a little under 2 per cent of gross domestic product.* But China also has a huge net inflow of foreign direct investment. If one takes the sum of these two elements, the surplus this year will be a good 5 per cent of GDP.

但是,在2001年之前,中国的资本帐户各项保持进出平衡。因此,总体来看,中国没有积累很大的外汇储备。但是,现在情况已经改变。平衡的资本流出,已经变为巨额资本流入。从2000年底至2003年9月,外汇储备增加2180亿美元。
Until 2001, however, China also had a balancing outflow in the rest of its capital account. Overall, therefore, the country did not accumulate substantial foreign currency reserves. But this has changed. The balancing capital outflow has become a huge inflow. Between the end of 2000 and September 2003, foreign currency reserves rose by $218bn.

在2001年之前,经常帐户盈余和外国直接投资至少被其他资本流出所抵消。人民币没有被低估。自从那时以来,人民币面临很强的升值压力,当然大部分可能具有投机性。总体而言,国际货币基金组织董事会得出结论:“没有任何明确的证据显示,眼下人民币是被大幅低估了。”
At least until 2001, surpluses on the current account and FDI were offset by other capital outflows. The currency was not undervalued. Strong upward pressure has emerged since then, but much of this may be speculative. On balance, the IMF's board of directors has concluded "that there is no clear evidence that the renminbi is substantially undervalued".

然而,通过逆推的方法,肯定可以获得两个结果。第一,全球收支现在严重失衡,美国经常帐户赤字被其他国家的盈余抵消。人民币实际升值必然是全球调整的要素。第二,以美元计价的中国出口产品价格正在降低。如果其他许多国家货币对美元升值(人民币也不例外),用人民币计价的大多数制造业产品的价格也将下降。这将会支持中国正在出口通货紧缩的指控。相反,如果中国出口产品的美元价格上升,将更为理想。
Nevertheless, two offsetting points must be made. The first is that global payments are significantly out of balance, with a huge US current account deficit offset by surpluses elsewhere. A real appreciation of the renminbi must be a necessary element in global adjustment. The second point is that the prices of China's exports are falling, in dollars. If many of the world's currencies appreciate against the dollar (and so also the renminbi), prices of a wide range of manufactures must fall in their domestic currencies. That would strengthen the charge that China is exporting deflation. It would be better if, instead, the dollar prices of China's exports were rising.

我的结论是,要求中国实际汇率升值,从全球的视野来看,是有道理的。但是,就中国人的观点来说,情况完全不同。中国的观点是,人民币盯住美元有许多有利之处:可以保持出口和香港市场的稳定。香港的货币也与美元挂钩;并且在此框架内经济运作一向很好。
My conclusion is that the case for an appreciation of the Chinese real exchange rate has merit, from a global perspective. But the argument looks very different to the Chinese themselves. For them, the dollar peg has many advantages: it provides stability for both exporters and Hong Kong, whose currency is also pegged to the dollar; and it has given a framework in which the economy has performed excellently.

更重要的是,允许人民币升值会产生诸多不利影响。升值代表着对美国政府和投机者压力的屈服;在中国这个通货膨胀本来就已经很低的国家,升值将降低贸易商品的国内价格,对农民的打击尤其严重;升值也可能暴露中国公司资产负债表存在很大问题。
More important, the disadvantages of allowing the currency to appreciate are significant. It would represent a concession to pressure from the US authorities and speculators; it would lower domestic prices of tradeable goods in a country that already has very low inflation, with particularly severe effects on farmers; and it might reveal substantial weaknesses in the balance sheets of Chinese businesses.

也很难说什么是可供选择的正确机制。如果将人民币在较高水平盯住美元,投资者很可能再次发起攻击。如果将人民币浮动,有可能调整过头。在存在外汇管制的情况下,公司也将难以回避外汇风险。而解除外汇管制将使面临倒闭和管理不善的金融机构受全球资本市场的左右。
It is also unclear what the right alternative regime would be. If the currency were repegged at a higher rate, speculators might well try again. If it were floated, it might overshoot. In the presence of exchange controls, it would also be difficult for companies to hedge foreign currency risk. But lifting exchange controls would expose bankrupt and ill-managed financial institutions to the temptations of the global capital markets.

所有这些都是不考虑变更政策的令人信服的原因。但是,变更也是有理由的:当前外汇储备的累积对货币供应造成严重后果。今年货币和信贷发行的增加大大超过名义国内生产总值的增长。这意味着现在的过度投资,将成为未来更多的不良贷款。但在目前,对此表示担忧的观点并不占多数。部分原因是,当局相信,信贷增长正在得到控制。再者,政府倾向于高增长率。还有就是中国眼下不存在通胀。较高的通货膨胀甚至有助于降低金融系统的大规模坏帐。
All these seem cogent reasons not to consider changing policy. But there is also a reason to do so: the monetary consequences of current reserve accumulation. Money and credit have been growing far faster than nominal GDP this year. That means excessive investment now and still more non-performing loans in the years to come. Yet even this is not an overwhelming worry, at present. That is partly because the authorities believe they are bringing credit growth under control, partly because the government welcomes the high growth and partly because inflation is non-existent. Somewhat higher inflation could even be a helpful way to lower the mountain of bad debt in the financial system.

结论是,中国当局将不会很快改变政策。相反,短期的目标将是减压。这些政策可以而且的确已经产生效果。包括进一步放松资本流出和进口限制,以及到国外进行采购的特别计划。所有这些都有实际意义。
The conclusion is that the authorities will not change policy soon. In the short term, the aim, instead, will be to lower the pressure. Policies can - indeed, already do - include further liberalisation of capital outflow and imports, along with special programmes to buy goods abroad. All this makes practical sense.

从中期来看,最好也是最有可能采取的政策是过渡到严格管理的浮动,而不是对盯住汇率向上进行调整。这样的浮动甚至与外汇管制没有矛盾,正如印度的例子所表明的那样。可以通过扩大浮动区间或过渡到盯住不规定币种的一揽子货币来实现浮动。这种制度的重要特征是更大的汇率不确定性。当局随时可以推高美元对人民币汇率,从而增加不确定性。
In the medium term, the best and most likely policy would be a move to a heavily managed float, rather than an upward adjustment of the peg. Such a float is even compatible with exchange controls, as the Indian example has shown. The float can be achieved by widening the bands or moving to an unspecified currency basket. The important feature of such a system would be greater exchange rate uncertainty. The authorities could increase that uncertainty by driving the dollar back up against the renminbi from time to time.

但是,中国的长期目标是完全取消汇率控制,使人民币成为自由浮动的货币,和建立一个实行通货膨胀目标制的中央银行。但是,这也要求一个有效并监管制度完善的金融体系。现实的猜测是,要实现这个目标,至少要到下个十年的开始甚至更晚的时间。
In the long term, however, China will want full liberalisation of exchange controls, a freely floating currency and an inflation-targeting central bank. But this would also require an efficient and well-regulated financial system. A good guess is that this will not happen before the beginning of the next decade, or even later.

管理由目前的人民币向未来世界货币的转化,是一个富有极大挑战性的任务。在眼下不可能发生重大的政策变革。目前中国当局应当积极地采取措施,放松进口和资本流动限制,同时在不久的将来,过渡到更灵活的汇率制度。中国跳出单纯累积外汇储备的圈子越早,对中国本身和对国际收支体系来说,也将越好。*国际货币基金组织结束与中华人民共和国的2003 年第四条磋商,2003年11月18日,见www.imf.org
Managing the transition of the renminbi to its prospective role as a world currency is a huge challenge. Large changes in policy cannot be expected right now. But the Chinese authorities should be liberalising imports and capital outflow aggressively, while moving, in the reasonably near future, to a more flexible exchange rate. The sooner the Chinese escape from their reserve-accumulation treadmill, the better off both they - and the world payments system - will be. * IMF Concludes 2003 Article IV Consultation with the People's Republic of China, November 18 2003, www.imf.org. xref martin.wolf@ft.com
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12 月03 日每日英语--罗伊•迪斯尼的辞职信 Roy Disney's resignation letter

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12 月03 日
罗伊•迪斯尼的辞职信 Roy Disney's resignation letter


亲爱的迈克尔:
Dear Michael,

我怀着深切的伤感和遗憾,向您发出这封辞职信,要求辞去沃尔特迪斯尼公司副董事长及动画片部门(Feature Animation Division)董事长的职位。
It is with deep sadness and regret that I send you this letter of resignation from the Walt Disney Company, both as Chairman of the Feature Animation Division and as Vice Chairman of the Board of Directors.

您很清楚,最近几年,我们两人在公司管理方向和风格方面存在严重的意见分歧。无论出于何种理由,您破坏了我与同事之间的关系,甚至要求我的一些同事向您汇报我的谈话和活动内容。对此我觉得难以容忍。
You well know that you and I have had serious differences of opinion about the direction and style of management in the Company in recent years. For whatever reason, you have driven a wedge between me and those I work with even to the extent of requiring some of my associates to report my conversations and activities back to you. I find this intolerable.

经过一番商讨,您与董事会提名委员会最终决定,将我排除在明年的董事候选名单之外,这实际上压制了我在董事会的声音,与去年您对安德里亚•范德坎普(Andrea Van de Kamp)的所作所为相差无几。
Finally, you discussed with the Nominating Committee of the Board of Directors its decision to leave my name off the slate of directors to be elected in the coming year, effectively muzzling my voice on the Board — much as you did with Andrea Van de Kamp last year.

迈克尔,我认为您这样做的理由是,我曾清楚而明确地对您和董事会表示,执掌帅印19年后,您已不再是经营沃尔特迪斯尼公司的最佳人选。最初十几年,您与弗兰克•威尔斯(Frank Wells)合作,干得很出色。对此,我向您表示敬意。但自从弗兰克1994年过早辞世后,公司的重心、创造活力及传统便一并消失了。
Michael, I believe your conduct has resulted from my clear and unambiguous statements to you and the Board of Directors that after 19 years at the helm you are no longer the best person to run the Walt Disney Company. You had a very successful first 10-plus years at the Company in partnership with Frank Wells, for which I salute you. But, since Frank's untimely death in 1994, the Company has lost its focus, its creative energy, and its heritage.

正如我所言,也正如斯坦利•戈尔德(Stanley Gold)在写给您及其他董事的信中所记载的那样,过去7年中,公司在您的领导下经历了多次失败:
As I have said, and as Stanley Gold has documented in letters to you and other members of the Board, this Company, under your leadership, has failed during the last seven years in many ways:

未能将美国广播公司(ABC)《黄金时段》(Prime Time)节目从多年的收视率深渊中挽救出来,您也未能成功地为ABC家庭频道(ABC Family Channel)编排节目。这两大失败已经,而且我认为还将继续对股东价值产生严重的不利影响。
1. The failure to bring back ABC Prime Time from the ratings abyss it has been in for years and your inability to program successfully the ABC Family Channel. Both of these failures have had, and I believe, will continue to have, significant adverse impact on shareholder value.

您对周围每个人总是微观管理,导致公司上下士气尽失。
2. Your consistent micro-management of everyone around you with the resulting loss of morale throughout this Company.

您对主题公园业务的投资畏首畏尾。先是迪斯尼加州冒险乐园(California Adventure)、巴黎乐园,再是现在的香港乐园,您都试图“以便宜的方式”完工,乐园倒是便宜了,游客人数也跟着“便宜”了。
3. The timidity of your investments in our theme park business. At Disney's California Adventure, Paris, and now in Hong Kong, you have tried to build parks "on the cheap" and they show it, and the attendance figures reflect it.

无论是顾客、投资者、员工,还是发行商、供应商,公司所有利益关系人都认为,我们贪婪无情,总在追求“急功近利”而非长期价值,公众的信任因而丧失。
4. The perception by all of our stakeholders — consumers, investors, employees, distributors and suppliers — that the Company is rapacious, soul-less, and always looking for the "quick buck" rather than the long-term value which is leading to a loss of public trust.

前几年创造性人才的流失大家有目共睹,而该趋势至今仍未见停止。每位有才华员工的流失,都对公司造成了损害。
5. The creative brain drain of the last several years, which is real and continuing, and damages our Company with the loss of every talented employee.

您未能与创造性伙伴建立并巩固建设性关系,尤其是Pixar、米拉麦克斯(Miramax)以及播放我们产品的有线电视公司。
6. Your failure to establish and build constructive relationships with creative partners, especially Pixar, Miramax, and the cable companies distributing our products.

您一贯拒绝制订明确的继任计划。
7. Your consistent refusal to establish a clear succession plan.

总之,迈克尔,我真心认为,应该离开公司的是您而不是我。因此,我再次要求您辞职或引退。在沃尔特迪斯尼公司成立以来充满挑战的这个时刻,公司理应拥有新鲜的、富于活力的领导层,正如1984年时一样,当时我领导公司进行了重组,此举将您招至麾下。
In conclusion, Michael, it is my sincere belief that it is you who should be leaving and not me. Accordingly, I once again call for your resignation or retirement. The Walt Disney Company deserves fresh, energetic leadership at this challenging time in its history just as it did in 1984 when I headed a restructuring which resulted in your recruitment to the Company.

我一直并将永远效忠和尊敬这个由我叔父沃尔特(Walt)和父亲罗伊(Roy)创建的公司,忠于我们忠诚的员工和股东。我不知道您和其他董事能否理解,对于我和迪斯尼家族的成员来说,做出这个决定是多么令人痛苦。
I have and will always have an enormous allegiance and respect for this Company, founded by my uncle, Walt, and father, Roy, and to our faithful employees and loyal stockholders. I don't know if you and other directors can comprehend how painful it is for me and the extended Disney family to arrive at this decision.

我要求您按照8-K报表(Form 8-K)第六条、14A表(Schedule 14A)第七条的规定披露本函,并提交一份函件副本,作为公司8-K报表附件。
In accordance with Item 6 of Form 8-K and Item 7 of Schedule 14A, I request that you disclose this letter and that you file a copy of this letter as an exhibit to a Company Form 8-K.

您诚挚而遗憾的
With sincere regret,

罗伊•爱德华•迪斯尼(Roy Edward Disney)
Roy E. Disney

抄送:董事会
cc: Board of Directors

译者/伯弢


发信人:沃尔特迪斯尼公司(Walt Disney Company)董事长兼首席执行官办公室
From the Office of the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, The Walt Disney Company:

亲爱的罗伊:我昨天在纽约收到你的辞职信,谢谢你愿意辞去董事会副董事长一职。我猜想,今年迪斯尼家族的感恩节一定过得不是那么轻松。你已把辞职信公诸于众,但我宁愿不公开此信,这样才能直言不讳。
Dear Roy, Thank you for your letter of resignation as vice-chairman of the board, which I received yesterday in New York. I guess the Thanksgiving holiday must have been a little strained in the Disney household this year. You have released your letter publicly but I would prefer to keep this one private, in order to be able to respond candidly.

真遗憾,我们不得不以这种方式分道扬镳,尽管我在迪斯尼期间已历经了许多个人仇视和争斗。有时我甚至觉得,如果哪一年没有挤走什么人,或者被人起诉,这年就仿佛缺了点什么。
It is a pity we have to part this way, although I have had plenty of experience of personal ruptures and vendettas in my time at Disney. It sometimes feels as if a year would not be complete without having to pay off someone, or be sued by them, over the leadership of the company.

接着就轮到你了,罗伊。你难道不喜欢《海底总动员》(Finding Nemo)中那个壮观的场面吗?那条叫做布鲁斯(Bruce)的鲨鱼一直试图戒除吃小鱼的恶习,却始终在水中追逐血腥。那个场面就让我想到你。你总是情不自禁地对我紧追不放,就像你和你的董事会同伴斯坦利•戈尔德(Stanley Gold)1984年攻击迪斯尼董事会一样。
And then there is you, Roy. Didn't you enjoy that great scene in Finding Nemo, where Bruce the shark, who has been trying to kick the habit of eating fish, scents blood in the water? That reminded me of you, unable to resist going after me, the same way that you and your fellow director Stanley Gold went after the Disney board in 1984.

也许,这一次你时机没把握好。一年前我的处境岌岌可危,公司股价下跌,大家都对我颇有怨言,认为我把董事会变成了内部人士的天下,但猜猜现在怎样?近期股价涨势喜人,而且我还实施了一些公司治理改革,清除些许朽木。遗憾的是,朽木里面就包括你。
Maybe your timing is a little off this time. I was pretty weak a year ago, with the stock price down and grumbles about my packing the board with insiders. But guess what, the shares are doing better these days, and I have implemented some corporate governance reforms to get rid of some dead wood. It is just a shame that the dead wood included you.

总而言之,我很乐意引用你父亲在1967年说的那番话。当时,沃尔特去世了,由他接掌迪斯尼。他在一封信中这样写道:“我经常考虑引退。事实上,过去5年中,我也一直试图这么做,但现在已经不可能了……”这封信收录在鲍勃•托马斯(Bob Thomas)写的一本书中,书名是《成长的历程:罗伊•O•迪斯尼与一个娱乐王国的缔造》(Building a Company: Roy O. Disney and the Creation of an Entertainment Empire)。
All in all, I am tempted to quote your father's words in 1967, when he ran Disney after Walt's death. "I have often thought of retiring. In fact, for the past five years, I have been trying to do so, but now it is out of the question . . ." he wrote in a letter recorded in Building a Company: Roy O. Disney and the Creation of an Entertainment Empire, by Bob Thomas.

我们之间的恩怨由来已久。我是在周日收到你的辞职信的,因此有时间好好思量一番。罗伊,岁月不饶人啊,我可不是小飞侠,我今年都61了,到明年,我掌管迪斯尼就满20年了。事实上,我的任职合同2006年届满,因而,(让人难过的是)需要明确的接任计划的人不止你一个。
But we go back a long way, and since your letter arrived on a Sunday, I have had time to reflect on it. Time passes, Roy, and I am not Peter Pan. I am 61 now and, by next year, I shall have run Disney for two decades. Indeed, my contract expires in 2006 and you are (sadly) not the only one to want a clear succession plan.

也正是因为这一点,我在想,创作型企业该如何运作,我的后任又该具备哪些素质呢?你在信中提到弗兰克•威尔斯(Frank Wells)。他1994年在直升机失事中不幸身亡。和你一样,我也仍然想念弗兰克。他不仅是个伟大的谈判家,而且有精明的商业头脑。有人说,当我和能够调和我古怪脾气的人一起工作时,我的创造力就能得到最佳发挥。
That has set me thinking about how creative companies are run, and the qualities my successor should have. You mentioned in your letter Frank Wells, who died in a helicopter crash in 1994. Like you, I still miss Frank. He was a great negotiator, and had a fine business brain. Some people say I performed best as the creative force in a partnership with someone who could temper my eccentricities.

事实上,经理人与梦想家搭档缔造了许多著名的媒体与科技公司。以索尼为例吧,井深大(Masaru Ibuka)和盛田昭夫(Akio Morita)共同创立了索尼,然后由盛田昭夫去处理一个个棘手的商业难题,而井深大则发明了便携式录音机等产品。就迪斯尼本身而言,即是创造天才沃尔特和你父亲罗伊这样精明的金融家之间的完美结合。
In fact, a lot of great media and technology companies have been built that way, with a partnership between a manager and a visionary. Take Sony, founded by Masaru Ibuka and Akio Morita. While Morita dealt with the hard business decisions, Ibuka thought up products such as portable tape recorders. Disney itself had the founding relationship of Walt, the creative genius, and your father Roy, an astute financier.

我的行事更像沃尔特,而不是你父亲罗伊。有一次,有个小男孩问沃尔特他干了些什么,沃尔特回答说:“有时我觉得自己是一只小蜜蜂,从一个地方飞到另一个地方,到处采集花粉,给人打气。”你那句“你总是对周围所有的人微观管理,结果导致公司上下士气尽失”,大概就是这个意思吧。
I modelled myself on Walt rather than Roy. Once, when he was asked by a young boy what he did, Walt said: "Sometimes I think of myself as a little bee. I go from one area to another, and gather pollen, and sort of stimulate everybody." That may be what you mean by "your consistent micro-management of everyone around you with the resulting loss of morale throughout this company".

弗兰克去世后,我努力想要证明:我有能力同时驾驭公司的经营和创作型业务。你认为我努力过头了——你说“迪斯尼现在‘贪婪无情,总在追求急功近利’”。但自从我们在1995年买入Capital Cities/ABC以来,迪斯尼已经成为一个大家庭,现在我们有11.2万员工,市值460亿美元,我们不能再把它当作一间小小的卡通作坊来经营了。
After Frank's death, I tried to prove I could manage the numbers as well as the creative side. You think I tried too hard - that Disney is now "rapacious, soulless and always looking for the 'quick buck' ". But since we bought Capital Cities/ABC in 1995, this has become a big place - it employs 112,000 people and has a market value of $46bn. It cannot be run like a little cartoon studio any more.

不过细想起来,或许我本应该做出选择,到底该成为一名创意大师还是金融战略家。我不愿与杰弗里•卡岑伯格(Jeffrey Katzenberg)共同承担责任,更不愿人们提到迈克尔•奥维兹(Mike Ovitz)。我总是因不能独掌大权而焦躁不安:即使是最初与弗兰克谈话时,我也坚持要一人兼任董事长和首席执行官,让他作公司总裁。
On reflection, however, perhaps I should have chosen whether to be a creative type or a financial strategist. I was not willing to divide the responsibilities with Jeffrey Katzenberg, and the less said about Mike Ovitz the better. I was always touchy about not being dominant: even in my original talks with Frank, I insisted on being chairman and chief executive, leaving him as president.

和你一样,我最担心的是迪斯尼可能失去其创作优势。毕竟,我们最近一些卖座影片都是Pixar为我们制作的动画电影,比如《玩具总动员》(Toy Story)、《怪物公司》(Monsters Inc)、《海底总动员》(Finding Nemo)等等。看到我们的传统动画制作者费尽心机却难以吸引观众,我真的很郁闷,同时又不得不和史蒂夫•乔布斯(Steve Jobs)进行痛苦的谈判,求他续签我们与Pixar的合约。
Like you, I am most worried about the possibility that Disney might lose its creative edge. After all, some of our best recent films have been the animation films made for us by Pixar - Toy Story, Monsters Inc and Finding Nemo. It troubles me to see our traditional animators struggling to attract an audience, while I negotiate painfully with Steve Jobs about renewing our contract with Pixar.

这居然让我心生一计。目前,公司最有可能接替我位子的人是迪斯尼总裁兼首席营运官鲍勃•伊格尔(Bob Iger)。他曾负责美国广播公司(ABC)。但美国广播公司一直是我们的一个瘸腿部门,正如你所说,我们仍在对它进行修修补补。或许在考虑接班人方面,董事会应该更具想象力。毕竟史蒂夫在Pixar和苹果公司(Apple)的经历已经表明,他是个精明的商业领导人,也有能力培养创作才能。
Actually, that gives me an idea. My most likely internal successor at the moment is Bob Iger, Disney's president and chief operating officer, who used to run ABC. But ABC has been a weak spot for us, which we are still working to fix, as you say. Maybe the board should think more imaginatively about this. After all, Steve has shown at both Pixar and Apple that he is a canny business leader with the ability to foster creative talent.

我最近看到的数字显示,Pixar市值仅约38亿美元,因此要吃下它可以说易如反掌,但前提是史蒂夫同意接替我担任迪斯尼的董事长。至于鲍勃•伊格尔,他甚至有可能做首席执行官。要想夺回动画领域的头把交椅,并让领导层面貌一新,难道还有比这更妙的方法吗?罗伊,一想到这些我就已经很兴奋了。可惜的是,你已离开董事会,无缘看到这一切了。
Last time I looked, Pixar had a market value of only about $3.8bn, so we could easily afford to swallow it, if Steve agreed to succeed me as chairman of Disney. Bob could even be chief executive. What better way would there be to re-establish our primacy in animation, and get fresh leadership? Roy, I'm getting excited by the idea already. It is just a shame you won't be on the board to see it.

你永远的
Yours ever,

迈克尔•艾斯纳
Michael Eisner.

john.gapper@ft.com
john.gapper@ft.com
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
12 月02 日每日英语--就怕你不知道,无知是种新知识 In case you don't know, ignorance is the new knowledge

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12 月02 日
就怕你不知道,无知是种新知识 In case you don't know, ignorance is the new knowledge


通过阅读《哈佛商业评论》而产生良好的自我感觉,这一情形并不常见。但是读了《哈佛商业评论》今年第十一期上的一篇文章,我突然有这样的感觉了。
It is not often that reading the Harvard Business Review makes you feel better about yourself. But in the November issue there is an article that makes me sense my time has come at last.

这篇文章说,无知是一种新的知识。对像我这样的人而言,这自然是大好消息。在下受过不少正式教育,还有二十年工作经验,但对很多事情仍然一无所知。就在几个星期前,我还咽下过无知的苦果。那天晚上我去参加某媒体举办的抢答竞赛,现场群星荟萃,我居然一个问题也没有答上来,像土豆的学名这种问题更是不消说了。
Ignorance, it tells us, is the new knowledge. This is exciting news for people like me, who despite a lot of formal education and two decades' work experience, still know nothing at all. The scale of my ignorance was rammed down my throat a couple of weeks ago at a starry media quiz night when I was unable to answer a single question, save supplying the botanical name for a potato.

现在好了,我不用自怨自艾了。照《哈佛商业评论》的说法,无知是一种宝贵资源,企业应该对此珍惜。过去十年间,企业总是在知识的庙宇里顶礼膜拜:企业告诉我们,咱们都是“知识工人”;企业的那些首席知识官设计着各种各样的知识管理项目。现在就该把这些首席知识官全炒了,换上首席无知官。
Now my self-hatred can stop. According to the HBR, ignorance is a precious resource that organisations should cherish. For the past 10 years companies have worshipped at the temple of knowledge: they have told us we are all "knowledge workers" and have devised knowledge management programmes run by chief knowledge officers. They should all be fired and replaced with chief ignorance officers.

想出无知论的人是大卫•格雷(David Gray)。此君是波士顿咨询集团战略工作室的主任。我现在能大言不惭地站出来,说自己从来没有听说过他高就的地方。你要说盛世广告公司(Saatchi)工作室我是知道的。战略工作室?对不起,没听说过。
The brain behind this theory is David Gray, director of Boston Consulting Group's Strategy Gallery. I can now come right out and admit I have never heard of his outfit. Saatchi Gallery, yes. Strategy Gallery, no.

格雷先生为什么成了无知迷?其原因是他觉得知识让人的思维墨守成规。无知让我们能够创新,能够对现状提出质疑。他的论点是:知识无所不在,无知却是稀缺资源。无知就如开弓之箭,一去不复返:一旦无知被知识所取代,那么就很难回到无知的初始状态了。
Why Mr Gray is such a fan of ignorance is that he thinks knowledge encourages everyone to think in well worn ways. Ignorance allows us to be creative and to question things. His argument goes like this. Knowledge is everywhere; ignorance is a scarce resource. It is a one-shot thing: once ignorance has been displaced with knowledge it is hard to get it back.

我刚才说过,无知这东西我是很熟悉的,敢肯定的是,连格雷先生也不知道我对无知有多熟悉。无知不是什么稀缺资源。无知多得就像空气,我的大脑里、大街上、电视上、家里、办公室里,可不都是有无知吗?无知也不是什么宝贝。无知就是愚蠢。无知也不是什么一朝失去,万载不复的东西。无知被知识所取代,然后很快地,我们又进入新的无知,丝毫不费吹灰之力。我学点东西,总是很快又忘掉。无知的潮水涨得很快。
As I said, ignorance is something I know a lot about, enough to confirm that it is something Mr Gray knows nothing about at all. Ignorance is not a scarce resource. It is as plentiful as air - it is in my own head, on the street, on the TV, at home, in the office. Neither is it precious. It is stupid. It is not a one-shot thing - ignorance gets displaced by knowledge and then comes back effortlessly. I find I learn something and then forget it again. The waters of ignorance close over only too quickly.

文章的作者也知道“无知”这个词语所含的贬义,所以他造了个新词,叫“新态”(nescience,这也是我闻所未闻的),其意思和“无知”一样,但是没有负载它的贬义特征。他还提出了一个管理“新态”的四步法。其中的主要原则是:迁延(Deferment)、早熟(Prematurity)、无关(Irrelevance)和浪费(Waste)。至于这些原则具体怎么个用法,我还得让你“无知”下去。你不知道更好。
The author is aware that ignorance has some unfortunate connotations. So he has discovered the word "nescience" (never heard of that, either), which means the same but is without the negative brand values. He then provides a four-step guide to managing nescience. The principles are: Deferment, Prematurity, Irrelevance and Waste. I'll keep you in ignorance on exactly how these work. It would be better for you not to know.

格雷先生的总体理论哪怕有一丝一毫的道理,对他的雇主波士顿咨询集团以及管理咨询业内的所有人士都不是什么好消息。聘请这班咨询顾问的唯一原因就是指望他们见识广博,熟悉典范做法。在“无知者无忧”的世界,这些顾问们是没有什么容身之地的。
If Mr Gray is anywhere near right in his general theory, it is very, very bad news for his employer, Boston Consulting Group, and all management consultants. The only excuse for employing consultants is that they have seen it all before and may know something about best practice. In this new ignorance-is-bliss world there is no place for consultants at all.

但是关于所谓“新态”的所有废话的背后,倒也藏着个相当明显的实话。经理人不要固执地认为自己什么都知道。他们应该认识到,过去的经验不足以指示未来的工作。
Hiding under all the nonsense about nescience is one - fairly obvious - truth. Managers should not get so hung up on knowledge that they think they know everything. They should recognise that the past may not be a guide to the future.

但这算不上什么新鲜说法,稍有知识的人对此都应了然于胸。
But this should come as no surprise - surely anyone with any knowledge knows all this already.

格雷先生说,工作中需要给无知重新定位,这结论或许正确,但真正的原因却与他所想的完全不同。无知有个大问题,那就是我们看到别人显摆的时候,自己心里就闹得慌。我们总是装出知识渊博的样子,非常担心我们的无知有朝一日大白于天下,为我们带来奇耻大辱。这种恐惧比无知本身还要可怕,而且它会引发一些相当恶心的行为。
Mr Gray may be right that ignorance at work should be rehabilitated, but for quite different reasons. The problem with ignorance is how paranoid we all feel about letting ours show. We strive to look knowledgeable and are terrified that the scale of our ignorance will one day be found out and massive humiliation will follow. This fear is worse than the ignorance itself and leads to some pretty sick behaviour.

我们总不愿意承认我们的无知,而是能吹则吹,能唬则唬。大家不妨回想自己参加过的会议吧,与会的人哪个不想显示自己的知识?我记得我和《金融时报》的同事们参加过一次盛大的会议午宴,午宴还邀请了一家大公司的首席执行官。我和我的同事没有想着怎么让客人发言,而是争着提出稀奇古怪的问题,一来是彼此买弄,二来也是在编辑大人面前卖乖。结果,大家谁也没有了解到什么情况。
Instead of admitting when we do not know something, we bluff and bluster. Think of all those meetings you have sat through, in which everyone was interested only in demonstrating how much they knew. I remember going to grand boardroom lunches with colleagues at the FT when a chief executive of a large company would be invited. Instead of trying to get our guest to talk, my colleagues and I would show off to each other and to our editor by trying to ask the most arcane questions. The result was that no one ended up finding out anything.

相反,承认无知反而能让对方放弃警惕。如果你年轻、聪明、活跃,摆出无知姿态就更容易了。我曾经参加过在英格兰银行(Bank of England)举办的一次金融记者培训。这次培训长达好几个小时,听足了关于银行监管的细枝末节(顺便说一句,我现在一个字也记不得了)。嘌到崾?氖焙颍?晃患钦呔倨鹗执笊?剩骸笆裁词钦??俊贝巳艘院蟮氖乱捣浅3晒ΑN叶运?恢焙芘宸??
By contrast, an admission of ignorance is almost always disarming. It is easier to bring this off if you are young, bright and dashing. I once went to a training day for financial journalists held at the Bank of England. We sat through several hours of detail on the ins and outs of banking supervision (not a word of which I remember, by the way). At the end of the session one of the journalists put up his hand and asked in a loud voice: "What is a bond?" He went on to be very successful. I admired him for ever.

如果你既不聪明,又不渊博,也不年轻,那可就不妙了,要是你同时还是美国总统,那情况就更糟了。这些情况下,无知会成为问题。乔治•W•布什说,“我们的进口产品越来越多地来自国外,”说这话时他显得很白痴。但是要他承认无知,并询问进口到底是什么,也无济于事。
The problem arises if you are neither intelligent, knowledgeable nor young and if, for example, you are president of the US. Then ignorance can be a problem. When George W. Bush says "increasingly our imports are from abroad" he looks an idiot. But for him to admit his ignorance, and ask what imports are, would not do either.

那篇《哈佛商业评论》文章的结尾却传播了一点知识。它让我们看到,在管理思潮的周期中,我们已经到了什么位置。钟摆总是在显而易见的思潮(知识至上)上停一会儿,等这些思潮被人用滥了,让人厌烦了,钟摆就会摆到另外一个极端。我觉得当下的情形就是这么一回事,我甚至有更进一步的证据来说明这一点。这期《哈佛商业评论》发行时,与之齐名的博思管理咨询公司(Booz Allen Hamilton)期刊《战略和商业》本月的封面文章为:商业战略家可以从萨特那里学到什么?
In the end the HBR article does impart some knowledge. It tells us where we have got to in the cycle of management thought. What happens is that the pendulum hovers over glaringly obvious fads for a bit (knowledge is good) and, when everyone is tired of banality, it swings to the opposite extreme. I have more evidence that this is what is happening now. In the same post as the HBR came Strategy and Business, the rival heavy mag from Booz Allen Hamilton. Its cover story: What Sartre Can Teach Business Strategists.

说起来你可能会吃惊,我对萨特相当无知。但是无知归无知,我仍旧可以信心十足地告诉你,商业战略家从萨特那里什么也学不到。
You may not be surprised to know I am fairly ignorant about Sartre. But in my ignorance I can confidently tell you that Sartre can't teach business strategists anything at all.
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
12 月01 日每日英语--物质财富破坏幸福 Materialism damages well-being

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12 月01 日
物质财富破坏幸福 Materialism damages well-being


一直以来,人类历史的主旋律就是痛苦,这样说会不会太过分?要把过去想象成一首浪漫的田园诗,其实很容易-只要对不断降临的战争、瘟疫和饥荒视而不见就行了。折衷一下,你可能不想过于沉浸在恐惧、迷信或宗教迫害的阴影之中。经济学家约翰•梅纳德•凯恩斯(John Maynard Keynes)曾写道:对生计的要求或斗争,是人类永恒的问题。对此,我们却无法回避。
Is it going too far to suggest that, until very recently, the leitmotif of human history had been misery? It is easy to imagine the past as some kind of bucolic idyll, but only by ignoring the perpetual visitations of war, pestilence and famine. In between, you might have hoped to avoid living too much in the shadow of fear, superstition or religious persecution but there was no escaping what the economist John Maynard Keynes described as the permanent problem of the human race: want, or the struggle for subsistence.

近代经济史上最令人震惊的成就之一就是:在发达的工业社会里,这个看似永恒的难题已迎刃而解。发达国家绝大多数的人过着过度富足、而不是贫困的生活。他们担心的不再是能否让孩子吃饱,是否居无定所,而是他们应该选择哪个有线频道的节目,应该去哪里度假,应该挑选哪位服装设计师的品牌?
It is one of the most startling achievements of recent economic history that, in the advanced industrial world, this seemingly permanent problem has been solved. For the most part, people in developed countries live in a state of surfeit, not of want. They no longer worry whether they can afford to put food in their children's bellies or keep a roof over their heads, but which cable channel package they should subscribe to, where to spend their holidays and which designer labels they should wear.

但有些人永远不会知足。即使他们比以往更富有、更健康、更安全,即使他们享有更多的自由、拥有更多的机会,可他们仍满腹牢骚。他们抱怨抑郁症人数、自杀率和犯罪率节节攀升;他们感叹世风日下,肥胖的人越来越多;他们对愈演愈烈的“马路愤怒(Road Rage)”和滥用毒品大发牢骚;他们对超竞争加剧,物质主义猖獗表示不满,还有最主要的是----垃圾邮件泛滥。
But some people are never satisfied. Even though they are richer, healthier and safer than ever before, and even though they enjoy more freedoms and opportunities, they continue to moan: about rising depression and suicide rates, about crime, about the decline of civility, about obesity, road rage and drug abuse, about hyper-competition and rampant materialism and, above all, about spam.

事实上,在西方国家,人们的幸福程度据报道不再与经济产量和消费的增长成正比。而且,随着两者差距的拉大,这几乎成为一种困扰。本周,我在同一天收到了两个智囊团所做的有关“追求幸福”的报告:一份来自伦敦的新经济基金会(New Economics Foundation),另一份则来 自堪培拉的澳大利亚研究会(Australia Institute)。上周,英 国最负盛名的科学院英国皇家学会召开了一次为期两天的会议,探讨幸福。上月,《新科学家》杂志也以此为题,刊登了总共两个部分的系列。诸如此类,不一而足。
The fact is that, in the west, increases in economic output and consumption are no longer being matched by increases in people's reported levels of happiness. And as the gap widens, it is close to becoming an obsession. This week, I received reports on the pursuit of happiness from two think-tanks on the same day: one from the London-based New Economics Foundation and another from the Canberra-based Australia Institute. Last week, the Royal Society, Britain's top scientific academy, held a two-day conference on the science of well-being. Last month, New Scientist magazine devoted a two-part series to the subject. And so on.

几句话就可以概括出幸福研究的主要调查结果。虽然在你贫穷时,更多的金钱可以带来更多的幸福,可一旦你的基本需求都已满足,多一元钱就变得不那么重要。这时,更为重要的是那些非物质的东西,比如幸福的婚姻以及与挚爱亲朋共度美好时光。
You can sum up the main findings of happiness research in a few sentences. Although more money delivers big increases in happiness when you are poor, each extra dollar makes less difference once your basic needs have been met. Much more important are non-material things such as a good marriage and spending time with loved ones and friends.

然而,在一个方面,金钱和物质的确显得十分重要:人往往喜欢追求地位,因此会以他人成功可见的标志来评价自己。不幸的是,正如新经济基金会研究报告所说,这是一场没有止境的竞争,因为要求不断增高。曾几何时,拥有一套房子是一种地位的象征,但如今,要有两套才行。
However, money and material goods do make a difference in one respect: people tend to seek status, and therefore judge themselves against the visible signs of others' success. Unfortunately, as the New Economics Foundation report remarks, this is a never-ending competition because the bar simply gets raised all the time. One house used to be a sign of status; now only two will do.

只要人们不再为地位所困扰,他们的幸福之路将变得一目了然:人们应该放慢脚步,牺牲一点工资来换取与家人、朋友共聚的时间。你可能会说,这是永远不可能的,但克莱夫•汉密尔顿(Clive Hamilton)所做的调查显示,在30岁 到59岁的英国人中,在过去的10年里,有25%的人就是这么做的。为了改善生活质量,他们宁愿少赚一点。克莱夫•汉密尔顿是澳大利亚研究会幸福研究报告的作者,也是剑桥大学的访问学者。
If people could only overcome their worries about status, their route to happiness would be clear: they should downshift, trading less pay for more time with their families and friends. It will never happen, you may say. But according to Clive Hamilton, author of the Australia Institute report and a visiting scholar at Cambridge University, an astonishing 25 per cent of Britons aged 30-59 have done just that in the past 10 years, voluntarily taking a cut in earnings to improve the quality of their lives.

如果我从事广告业,我想我会对这样的调查结果开始有点担心。我们整个经济体制建立在满足人们日益膨胀的物质欲望这个概念之上,并以每年实现国内生产总值(GDP)增长为目标。广告的存在就是要帮助产生那种欲望。但如果人们都相信,贪得无厌并不会增加他们的幸福,反而会成为幸福的绊脚石,那么广告业将何去何从?
If I were in advertising, I think I would be starting to worry a bit about findings like these. Our whole economic system, with its targeted annual increases in gross domestic product, is founded upon the concept of satisfying the desire for more; and advertising exists only to help generate that desire. But what if people became convinced that acquisitiveness, rather than adding to their happiness, was standing in its way?

人们对广告总是将信将疑,害怕广告会欺骗他们,让他们买些根本不需要的东西。也许,这就解释了为什么当社会变得更加自由时,人们对待广告的态度却背道而驰这个矛盾的现象。广告也不能象从前那样,只要法律许可,就可以任意推销。人们要求,广告不能超出社会目标,甚至道德目标的范围。在烟草广告禁令出台后,现在,大众又强烈要求限制其它“不受欢迎”产品(例如酒和快餐)的广告。此外,严禁向儿童进行推销的呼声也越来越高,这主要是担心儿童自出生起就受到消费主义思想的灌输。
People have always been equivocal about advertising, worrying that it hoodwinks them into buying things they do not need. Perhaps that explains the paradox that, as society has grown more liberal, attitudes towards advertising have gone in the opposite direction. It is no longer the case that you can market any goods that can be legally sold. People are demanding that advertising should operate within the parameters of social, even moral, objectives. Bans on tobacco advertising are now being followed by calls for restrictions on the advertising of other "undesirable" products such as alcohol and fast food. And there is a rising clamour for bans on marketing to children, much of it driven by fears that they are being brainwashed into consumerism from birth.

如果是这样的话,我们也可以说,广告让成年人变得不快乐,所以应当被禁止。当然,这种事永远不会发生。即使人们不再那么重视物质,但他们对物质始终会有要求(其实是欲望),所以广告将担纲一个必不可少的角色。但试想,会不会有这么一天,每一个广告都必须标有政府的健康警语,例如“危险:物质主义可能会破坏你的幸福感”?
From there, it is quite a short step to argue that advertising to adults should be banned on the grounds that it makes them unhappy. It will never happen, of course; people will always require - indeed, desire - material goods, even if they give them a lower priority, so advertising will fulfil a necessary role. But is it possible to imagine a day when every advertisement will have to be accompanied by a government health warning such as: "Danger: materialism may damage your sense of well-being"?

毕竟,贪得无厌与吸烟有许多相似之处:有害健康,容易上瘾,与其他人一起戒烟就会容易得多。因此,如果社会政策排斥那些追求社会地位的人,把他们变成遭社会遗弃的可怜虫,那么其他人就能放慢脚步,备感安慰地认为,我们不仅占大多数,而且所做的一切也很正确。这样,大多数人将获得更多的幸福。
Acquisitiveness, after all, is a lot like smoking: harmful, addictive and much easier to quit if everyone else does so at the same time. So the greater happiness of the many would best be served if social policy were directed towards marginalising status-seekers and turning them into pitiful pariahs, leaving the rest of us to downshift in the comfortable knowledge that we were not only in the majority but also doing the right thing.

相信吗?我相信。告诉你吧,如果你答应不再做一个只满足自我的贪婪的人,我也能够做到,那么我们的生活都将快乐许多。准备好了吗?1,2,3……嗨!你干嘛?别碰我的信用卡。
Convinced? I am. Tell you what, I'll agree to stop being a greedy self-maximiser if you will, then we'll both be much happier as a result. Ready? One, two, thr . . . Hey! What do you think you're doing? Get your hands off my credit card RIGHT NOW.
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
11 月28 日每日英语---别为稳定与增长公约惋惜 The pact should be replaced and not mourned

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11 月28 日
别为稳定与增长公约惋惜 The pact should be replaced and not mourned


稳定与增长公约已经死亡。对于那些认为公约和条约应当得到尊重的人们来说,这是坏消息。但是,该公约走向死亡也说明,协议应当是合理的,并且让人们觉得是符合各国利益的。但稳定与增长公约并非如此。
The stability and growth pact is dead. This is bad for those who believe that pacts and treaties should be respected. But its death also shows that agreements should be intelligent and perceived to be in the national interest. This was not the case with the stability and growth pact.

为什么会出现这种情况呢?稳定与增长公约有一个严重的问题:不可维持的政府债务水平会导致债务危机,特别是这种危机会破坏货币联盟。有三个国家的债务比例超过了国内生产总值的100%,接近于无法持续的水平。这三个国家是比利时、意大利和希腊。对于这些国家来说,为了降低债务水平,使用猛药是有道理的。公约所开的药方是,在商业循环周期维持平衡预算,如超过重要的3%赤字规则便会受到惩罚,该规则对这些国家来说合适的。但是,同样的方法对其他国家如法国和德国却是不恰当的。
Why did this happen? The pact identified an important problem: unsustainable government debt levels can lead to debt crises, which are especially damaging in a monetary union. Three countries - Belgium, Italy and Greece, with debt ratios exceeding 100 per cent of gross domestic product - came close to unsustainable debt levels. For these countries it made sense to use drastic medicine aimed at reducing the debt levels. For them, the pact's medicine of maintaining a balanced budget over the business cycle and of punishing the trespassers of the magical 3 per cent deficit rule was appropriate. It was not, however, for the others, including France and Germany.

这些国家的债务水平适中,用公约的规则对它们进行约束并将强迫它们的债务比例趋于零,而且当赤字超过3%时,威胁对它们予以重罚,这是没有道理的。该药是给重病人而不是健康人吃的。
These countries have reasonable debt levels and it did not make sense to subject them to a rule that pushes their debt ratios towards zero, and threaten them with heavy fines when the deficits exceed 3 per cent. This medicine was intended for the critically ill, not for the healthy.

公约不合理还有另一个原因。现代国家对自己的公民承担有许多责任。在经济衰退期间,市民期望社会保障机制发挥作用,但国家的财力则比较紧张。不灵活的公约对此却没有考虑。
The pact was unintelligent for another reason. Modern nations have a lot of responsibilities to their citizens. These responsibilities are stretched during a recession, when citizens expect the social insurance mechanisms to function. The rigidity of the pact was blind to this.

如果不采取行动,让该公约原封不动存在,这对于欧洲相当不利。该公约将来还会无可避免地遇到问题,导致新的对抗和相互指责。我们不能不寻求好的出路。
If nothing is done and the pact remains unchanged, it will be very bad for Europe. The pact will inevitably be invoked again in the future, leading to new fights and recriminations. We have to do better.

新的公约应当是什么样的呢?首先,由于各国的债务水平悬殊很大,因此各国应当区别对待。这意味着,那些债务水平超过国内生产总值100%的国家和那些债务水平可持续的国家,应当遵循不同的预算政策规则。不管有病或是健康,原来的稳定公约对所有国家用同样的药,这样的方法应当摒弃。
What should such a new pact look like? First, since countries have very different debt levels, they should all be treated differently. This means that countries whose debt exceeds more than 100 per cent of GDP should follow different budgetary policy rules from countries with sustainable debt levels. The approach of the old stability pact - applying the same medicine to all, sick or healthy - should be abandoned.

第二,公约应当更为灵活。要求各国在经济衰退期间降低社会保障支出责任的规则是难以维持的,即因为加入货币联盟,各国政府已经失去了一种政策工具。
Second, the pact should have more flexibility. A rule that requires countries to lower their social security responsibilities during recessions will not last because, in a monetary union, governments have lost an instrument of policy.

我们应当怎样来贯彻这些原则呢?在新公约中,各国将界定它们认为是合理的债务水平。这种水平将不会使它们陷入债务危机。虽然这应当留给成员国自己决定,但是,新公约将设定一个上限,像在《马约》(Treaty of Maastrich)中规定的那样,也许可以定为国内生产总值的60%。在商业周期循环中,每个国家将以这个债务水平为目标,上下允许一些灵活性。
How should we implement these principles? In the new pact, countries would define the debt levels that they found appropriate; and that will not lead them into a debt crisis. This should be a national decision but the new pact would define a maximum, which might or might not be 60 per cent, as in the treaty of Maastricht. Individual countries would then target this debt level over the business cycle, allowing for some flexibility on both sides.

让我们举例来说明。假定参加新公约的一个国家把债务与GDP比例定为50%。这与稳定公约当前设定的零目标完全不同。本例子的计算表明,该国可以每年平均维持2%的预算赤字(假设GDP名义年增长率为4%),将不会危险地接近50%的目标。
Let us take an example. Suppose that in a new pact a country targets a 50 per cent debt-to-GDP ratio, which is very different from the present 0 per cent target imposed by the stability pact. The arithmetic of this example then implies that this country can maintain a budget deficit of 2 per cent a year on average (assuming that the nominal growth of GDP is 4 per cent a year), without endangering the 50 per cent debt target.

在这个公约中,3%的赤字上限规则是不适用的。这个规定过于灵活。每次经济衰退,各国都可能触及上限,导致危机。一般说来,应当避免使用预算赤字的数字规定。一个民主选举产生的政府面临来自其市民的许多申请和要求,在这种情况下,数字规则缺乏可信度。
In such a pact the 3 per cent maximum deficit rule cannot apply. It is far too inflexible. With each recession, countries would hit the ceiling and a crisis would arise. In general, numerical rules for the budget deficits should be avoided. They have no credibility in a world where democratically elected governments face the many claims and aspirations of their citizens.

在新公约中,不会发生严重罚款和惩罚。如同数字规定一样,罚款和惩罚没有可信度。相反,应当通过权威机构的压力来实行相互控制。有的经济学家建议,建立一个独立的官方监督机构,按照宣布的预算目标,对各国的预算政策进行评估。这看来是个好主意。
In a new pact, there would be no place for heavy fines and penalties. Like the numerical rules, fines and penalties have no credibility. Instead, mutual control should be exerted by peer pressure. Some economists have proposed the creation of an official and independent watchdog that would evaluate the budget policies in the light of the announced debt targets. This seems like a good idea.

现在是放弃旧公约的时候了,我们需要制定一个新的公约,该公约兼顾债务可持续性和现代国家灵活地对经济波动作出反应的需要。我们有机会创造一个新的公约。我们再也不能继续让旧公约主导我们的生活,如果不对它进行更新,它将会屡屡成为我们未来冲突的根源。
This is the time to abandon the old pact and build a new one that reconciles the need for debt sustainability and the desire of modern nations to react flexibly to economic disturbances. We have an opportunity to create such a pact. We cannot afford to live with the old pact, which, if resuscitated, will be a constant source of conflict in the future.

作者是鲁文大学(University of Leuven)经济学教授。
The writer is professor of economics at the University of Leuven
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
11 月26 日每日英语--目睹中国巨变 Clocking China’s changing times

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11 月26 日
目睹中国巨变 Clocking China’s changing times


Bernard Yau是一位前国民党将军的儿子。他父亲是在1949年共产党取得政权之前最后一批撤退到台湾的。Yau先生后来加入美国国籍,定居在夏威夷。现在他回到大陆,是位于成都出口加工区的四川高龙机械有限公司(Golden Dragon Aerospace)的董事长。
Bernard Yau is a happy man. Son of a nationalist general who was among the last refugees from the victorious communists in 1949, he has come back to the mainland. An American citizen, with a home in Hawaii, he is also chairman of Golden Dragon Aerospace, located in the Chengdu Export Processing Zone.

Yau先生有理由得意。他的公司创办只有三年,现在为世界上100座以上的商用客机生产燃油喷嘴。罗尔斯?#32599;伊斯公司(Rolls-Royce's)所需的这种零部件全部由高龙公司提供。高龙也同时向GE公司供应其所需这类产品的60%。当公司于2000年开始运作时,世界上生产这种零部件的企业有三十几家。现在仅剩下两家:高龙公司和一家美国公司。这家美国公司已经有点危险了,为什么这么说呢?因为高龙公司的成本只有它的四分之一。
Mr Yau has reason to be happy. His company, founded just three years ago, makes 70 per cent of the world's fuel nozzles for commercial aircraft with more than 100 seats. It supplies 100 per cent of Rolls-Royce's requirements and 60 per cent of General Electric's. When the company started operations in 2000, the world contained three dozen manufacturers of this component. Today, only two are left: Golden Dragon and a fragile US supplier. It is fragile, because Golden Dragon's costs are a quarter of its rival's.

高龙公司的员工素质较高,队伍稳定。雇员的工资相当于当地国有企业两到三倍。即便如此,生产线工人的月平均工资只有250美元,而月薪1250美元或更少即可招聘到高层员工。高龙公司生产的燃油喷嘴能保证高质量,且准时交货,从不打折扣。用Yau先生的话说,他的公司已经现实了“零次品”和“交货延误零天”的记录。Yau先生遇到的只有一个难题,即怎样面对公司的扩张。今天,公司生产燃油喷嘴,明天,也许会生产别的产品。眼下,高龙公司的年营业额只有500万美元。下一年,可能达到1000万至2000万美元。
Golden Dragon has a stable, highly qualified labour force, paid two to three times as much as those working in local state-owned enterprises. Even so, the average wage for a production worker is just $250 a month, while the senior people are available at $1,250 a month, or less. Fuel nozzles must also be delivered on time and made to high standards. Golden Dragon's are. In Mr Yau's words, his company has achieved "zero defects" and "zero days late" in delivery. Mr Yau confronts only one problem: how to manage expansion. Today, it is fuel nozzles. Tomorrow, it will be other things. Today, Golden Dragon has annual turnover of only $5m. Next year, it could be anywhere between $10m and $20m.

邓小平说,不管白猫黑猫,只要逮住老鼠就是好猫。作为国民党将军的资本家儿子,毫无疑问,Yau先生是一只不同颜色的猫。但是,有谁在乎呢?他能逮住老鼠,这才是问题的关键。
Deng Xiaoping said that it did not matter whether a cat was black or white, so long as it caught mice. The capitalist son of a nationalist general, Mr Yau is a cat of a decidedly different colour. But nobody minds in the least. He catches mice. That is what matters.

高龙公司的故事只是中国正在发生的许多故事的一个缩影。已经有许许多多的报道,说中国正在变为21世纪的世界工厂。500家外国公司已经在成都高新技术开发区投资了15亿美元。例如,英特尔正投资3.75亿美元,建立一个测试和封装工厂。
Golden Dragon's story is a microcosm of what is happening in China. Repeated many times over, it is turning China into the 21st century's workshop of the world. Five hundred foreign enterprises have invested $1.5bn in Chengdu's Hi-Tech Industrial Development Zone alone. Intel, for example, is investing $375m in a testing and packaging plant.

我喜欢数据。无论中国的数据怎样不可靠,这些数据一定比一个局外人仅仅在中国访问10天的印象要更可信一些。这是我十年中第三次访问中国,中国给我留下的印象极为深刻。
I love data. However unreliable China's data may be, they must be more trustworthy than the impressions of an outsider visiting the country for just 10 days. But on this, my third trip to China in 10 years, the impressions have been overwhelming.

到处可以见到蓬勃发展的景象。不仅在北京、上海,甚至在四川的省会成都,都可以看到建设的规模和速度。四川是中国西南省份,人均省内生产总值只有上海的六分之一。但在成都这个400多万人口的城市中,处处是新建的高楼。道路上有无数的汽车。
The dynamism is to be seen everywhere. It is to be seen in the scale and speed of construction, not just in Beijing and Shanghai but even in Chengdu, capital of Sichuan, a south-western province whose gross domestic product per head is a sixth of Shanghai's. Even Chengdu, a city of little more than 4m people, is full of huge new buildings. It is also full of cars.

北京现在严重塞车。当我6年前访问北京时,一刻钟便可以赶到开会地点。现在,同样的距离需要花两到四倍的时间。到2007年,中国各类汽车生产能力将达?500万辆。这将造成全球产能过剩。在中国,汽车数量的增速看来要超过中国人修路的能力。北京已经开通五环路。但这还是不够。
Beijing is now choking on them. When I last visited the city, six years ago, it was possible to reach meetings in a quarter of an hour. Now, the time required for the same journeys is anywhere between two and four times as long. By 2007, Chinese production capacity of all kinds of motor vehicles will be 15m. This threatens a global glut. At home, the growth in the number of vehicles seems certain to outpace even the Chinese ability to put land under tarmac. Beijing already has a fifth ring-road. Even that is not enough.

高龙公司的故事并不仅仅关于中国的增长,而且也体现了中国的实用主义方法。共产主义意识形态并没有完全消失,比如,国家仍然拒绝实行私人土地绝对所有权,以及想要维持相当比例产业中的国家所有权。但是,共产党必须领导人们走向繁荣。只要有利于达到此目标的政策便是好的政策。
The story of Golden Dragon does not just tell us about China's dynamism but also about its pragmatism. Communist ideology has not vanished altogether. One can see it in the continuing refusal to grant absolute private ownership of land and the desire to retain substantial state ownership of industry. But the party must provide prosperity. Whatever works towards that end is a good policy.

当我第一次访问中国时,我遇到的许多高级官员都是负责传统党务工作的。现在,取代他们的是技术能力更强、更加专业、通常在国外接受过培训的官员。这些官员面临巨大的挑战。银行失去偿付能力只是一个例子。不难相信,他们的某些努力将不能成功。而且他们会作出某些错误的决策。但是,有可能阻碍他们成功的,既不是意识形态,也不是对世界的无知。
When I first visited the country, many of the top officials I met were traditional party functionaries. Today, their replacements are technically competent, professional and frequently foreign-trained. These officials confront huge challenges. The insolvency of the banks is just one example. It is easy to believe that they will fail in some of their efforts. It is easy, too, to believe that some of their decisions will be mistaken. But neither ideology nor ignorance of the world will be an obstacle to their success.

如果说蓬勃发展和实用主义是当代中国两个明显的积极特征,那么事情的另一方面也同样是不言而喻的。在中国整个沿海地区,有可能会出现世界上最长最大的都市群。中国也可能造成该地区严重的交通拥挤和环境污染,且不说这还会导致全球二氧化碳排放的巨大增加。
If dynamism and pragmatism are two obvious positive features of contemporary China, the nightmares are equally evident. China could end up creating the world's longest and biggest megalopolis, stretching all the way along its coast. It might generate overwhelming local congestion and pollution, not to mention a huge addition to global emissions of carbon dioxide.

即使人们不把这些不良后果预测得这么严重,但却不能忽视即将到来的剧变。如果中国在出口方面维持过去十年的增长速度,到2025年时,中国占世界商品出口总额的比重将从目前的大约6%增加到三分之一。届时,中国将毫无疑问地占有比现在要大得多的比重。
Even if one plays down the nightmares, one cannot ignore the looming upheavals. If China sustained the last decade's growth in export volume, it could generate a third of the world's merchandise exports by 2025, up from about 6 per cent today. It will certainly generate a much bigger share than now.

同时,剧变也是形容中国国内变化的恰当词汇。目前中国的城市人口大约占40%。国务院发展研究中心主任王梦奎表示,20年后这个比例将接近60%。这意味着将有3亿人从农村转移到城市地区。有人认为,该数字将接近5亿。不管转移多少,中国将不再是一个沿袭了几千年的农业国家了。这是场真正的“文化大革命”,掀起这场“革命”的不是红卫兵,而是市场。
Upheaval is also the right world for the domestic transformation. Today, China's population is almost 40 per cent urbanised. In 20 years, this proportion will be close to 60 per cent, suggests Wang Mengkui, director of the development research institute of the state council. That would mean movement of some 300m people from rural to urban areas. Some believe this number will be closer to 500m. Either way, China would cease to be the predominantly rural country it has been for millennia. This really is a "cultural revolution", one brought about not by Red Guards but by the market.

尽管存在各种统计上的困难,中国之行能让人完全清楚地了解,中国正在发生的一切不仅是实实在在的,而且除非发生灾难性的大事,也将是无法阻止的。这是十亿多人产生的能量。中国官方的目标是,在今后二十年内使中国的GDP翻两番。我不会下相反的赌注。如果政策环境能够进一步改善,增长速度很容易比这更快。
A visit to China makes abundantly clear that what is happening here is, for all the difficulties with measurement, not only real but also unstoppable by anything short of a cataclysm. The energies of more than a billion people are now engaged. The Chinese authorities talk of quadrupling GDP over the next two decades. I would not bet against them. If policy improved, growth could easily be faster than that.

英国作家塞缪尔•约翰逊(Samuel Johnson)说,赚钱本身无可厚非。Yau先生在努力赚钱,同时帮助他的祖国发展。这也是几亿中国人正在努力做的事情。赚钱本身的确是没错的。但是,他们通过赚钱,也在创造革命性的转变。整个世界将不得不逐渐习惯这样的事实。
Samuel Johnson remarked that a man is never so innocently employed as when he is making money. Mr Yau is endeavouring to make money, while helping his ancestral country develop. So, as best they can, are hundreds of millions of Chinese. The employment is innocent indeed. But it is also creating a revolutionary transformation. The rest of the world will have to get used to that fact. xref martin.wolf@ft.com

作者简介:马丁•沃尔夫(Martin Wolf)是《金融时报》的副编辑(associate editor)和首席经济评论家。他对全球经济有着精辟的深刻分析,获得了国际上各界广泛普遍的承认赞赏。最近,在他荣获2003年度“最佳商务记者奖”评奖中,他获得了其中的“十年杰出成就奖”等殊荣。沃尔夫先生1971年毕业于牛津大学,获经济学硕士。然后,他到在到世界银行任职工作,并于1974年出任世行资深经济学家。1999年以来,他一直是每年一度的“世界经济论坛”的特邀评委成员。
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 楼主| 发表于 2003-12-14 00:00:00 | 显示全部楼层
11 月25 日每日英语--电脑游戏和工作效率 Productivity with a solitary vice

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11 月25 日
电脑游戏和工作效率 Productivity with a solitary vice


我电脑屏幕的桌面背景是鲜绿色,上面排着七张色彩鲜艳的纸牌。我用鼠标把红心6拉到黑桃7上面。我现在所做的,你或许也做过。玩这种游戏是办公室的大忌,仅次于访问色情网站。但我在照玩不误。
The background of my screen is a vivid green. Seven bright cards are lined up across it. With my mouse I drag the six of hearts on to the seven of spades. I am doing the most taboo thing that you can do in the office, after visiting porn sites on the internet. I am blatantly playing solitaire.

我是全英国最浪费时间的人之一,我还是办公室中无所事事者的典范。但到目前为止,我还没有在上班的时候玩过纸牌游戏。在家的时候玩过。但是一到办公室,就没这个胆子了。
In spite of being one of the nation's leading time-wasters, with acknowledged specialism in office idleness, I have never, until this week, played card games on my computer at work. At home, yes. But in the office, I never dared.

上班时候哪种浪费时间行为最体面?人们心中有个座次排位,电脑游戏位居末列。各种浪费时间的行为都是一分一秒地吞噬时间,似乎没有什么区别,而雇主却不这么看。所幸的是,我的爱好是聊天,这是人们认为的最为体面的浪费时间之举。严格的说,聊天从浪费上来说,浪费的是两倍时间,不仅把自己时间耗掉了,还耽误了对方的时间。
There is a pecking order in the respectability of time-wasting activities at work, and computer games are at the bottom of it. Minute for minute, all time-wasting eats up the same amount of time, but employers tend not to see it like that. Luckily for me, the activity I like the best is the most respectable. It is chatting. Strictly speaking, this is twice as wasteful, as you are not just squandering your own time but also that of the person you are talking to.

但是,很多现代企业不仅仅容忍聊天,甚至积极鼓励。据说聊天有传播知识,激发思维,产生创意之功效。我很高兴他们这样看,但是我一直闹不明白,“昨天晚上谁看了《名人换妻游戏》节目了?”这样的问题和创意有何相干。
However, most modern organisations do not merely tolerate chatting but actively encourage it. Chatting supposedly spreads knowledge and increases the buzz that is meant to lead to creativity. I am glad they see it like this, though the link between creativity and asking "Did anyone see Celebrity Wife Swap last night?" has never been clear to me.

排在聊天之后的是经常去售货机和厕所。企业一般还不能对此有反对意见。去这些地方,路上未免会遇到些人,于是又要聊上一番。
Next to chatting come frequent visits to the vending machine and the loo. Companies generally do not or cannot object to this. You meet people on the way and then chat some more.

再接下来的是网上购物,或是通过Google搜索研究疑难病症。有些公司禁止此类行为,但是大多数公司则或多或少地容忍它的存在。
Further down the pecking order are shopping on the internet and researching obscure medical conditions on Google. Some organisations outlaw this sort of thing but most tolerate it, more or less.

在电脑上玩牌则大不一样了。首先,那鲜绿色的背景很是显眼。刚才我正玩着空当接龙,就有一位临时秘书送邮件过来。我心里顿时涌出一阵内疚感。坐在这里玩游戏,说明我是个闲人,明目张胆地闲着,无所顾忌地闲着,真应该在我脑门上印上这样的字样:“我无聊,我怠工,我在白占着这位子。炒了我吧。”
Playing cards on your computer is another thing altogether. For a start, the bright green makes it highly visible. Just now I was playing solitaire and a new temporary secretary brought me my mail. I felt a brief stab of guilt. By sitting playing games, I was so ostentatiously, outrageously idle I might as well have had a big sign on my head saying: "I'm bored. I'm shirking. I'm a waste of space. Fire me."

我怀疑这办公楼里上班玩牌的还有不少人,由于大部分人面对出口坐,所以大家也看不到他们在干什么。我发邮件问谁在电脑上打过牌,并许诺绝对保密,但是只有三个人回复。其中一个说他过去打过,但现在不玩了。另外两个承认在家里打过,坐地铁的时候用掌上电脑玩过。我看我要是问谁打老婆,估计也不会像这样应者寥寥。
I suspect there are many people in this building who play cards at work; most have desks that do not face into the room so people cannot see what they are doing. Yet when I sent out a message to all my colleagues asking for computer card players to come forward in the strictest confidence and talk to me about their habit, only three people responded. One had played in the past, but didn't any more. Two others admitted to playing at home or on their Palm Pilots on the Tube. If I had asked how many people beat their wives I would not have got a much more muted response.

但是我发现,上班时玩空当接龙者不必感到羞耻。玩些无伤大雅的小游戏或许还有助于工作。
Yet I now find that there is no reason to be ashamed of playing solitaire at work. Spending time playing these harmless little games may even be good for your work.

最近,Utrecht大学的杰弗瑞•哥尔斯坦(Jeffrey Goldstein)针对荷兰一家保险公司的60人开展了一项实验。这60人中一半获准每天用一小时玩空当接龙或者挖地雷等基本的电脑游戏。实验的另一半人则不准玩。大家猜一下结果如何?玩游戏的那一半人更快乐,效率也更高。
Jeffrey Goldstein of Utrecht University has just conducted an experiment on 60 people in a Dutch insurance company. Half of them were allowed an hour a day to play basic computer games such as Solitaire and Minesweeper. The other half were not. And guess what? The half who played the games were happier and more productive.

如果这一结论正确的话,其意义很重要。用这个方法,可以让员工更愉快,又不需要另拨开支,不需要改变企业文化,不需要开展管理创新,什么都不需要。
If this is true, it is quite important. Here is a way of making people feel better that involves no expenditure, no culture change, no managerial initiative, no nothing.

因此,企业似乎不应该拿掉个人电脑中的游戏,也不需要发送让人不快的备忘录,而是放手让大家去玩,然后等着士气的高涨。
Instead of taking games off personal computers and sending round beastly memos, it seems companies should allow everyone to play these games, and watch morale climb.

到此为止,哥尔斯坦教授的实验结果都合情合理。好的游戏能舒缓身心,因为它需要投入一定的思考。在玩游戏的时候,大脑能处在一种欣喜而又空白的状态。如果工作既紧张又乏味,借这种游戏逃避现实也无可厚非,它能让人的大脑得到片刻休息后,更加清爽。
Up to a point, Prof Goldstein's results make sense. A good game is soothing because it requires just the right amount of mental activity. While you play, the rest of your mind can be a blissful blank. If you do a boring job or a stressful one, such escapism is a fine thing: a mental break from which you return feeling refreshed.

我发现,和人打电话的时候玩游戏也很不错。打电话时玩这些游戏远不像打字那样显得粗鲁,因为电话那一头很难听到鼠标移动的声音。
I have found it is also good to play games when you are talking to someone on the phone. It is far less rude than typing, as the mouse noise is not so obvious to the person on the other end.

但是问题的关键在于这些游戏玩起来上瘾。那些接受实验的荷兰职员一天能愉快的玩一个小时,看来一定很节制。而我一回家,就不那么节制了。我和自己约法三章:每写150字我就去打一轮游戏。但是没打出高分,我就再玩一轮,然后又是一轮,又是一轮。
The catch is that these card games are addictive. The Dutch workers must have been an unusually moderate bunch to be able to stick happily to an hour a day. I am less moderate: at home I play obsessively when I should be working. I start by making a deal with myself that after every 150 words I am allowed ONE game. But then the game does not go well, and I play another and another and another and another.

看来我已经跨出了玩家的范畴,成了瘾君子,这有两个迹象可以说明。首先,如果我在家玩,孩子一回到家的时候,我就立马把游戏关掉。试图向家人隐瞒这种坏习惯,真没出息。更糟糕的是,这坏习惯伤害你的手和手腕关节。要是打空当接龙打出了肢体重复性劳损,那可就再可悲不过了。
Two things tell me I have crossed the line from being a user to being an abuser. The first is that if I am working at home and one of my children comes into the room, I quickly shut the game down. To hide such a bad habit from one's family is pathetic. Still worse is what it does to your hand and wrist. To get RSI from playing solitaire would be the most tragic thing imaginable.

从手腕考虑,也从内心考虑,我都鼓励所有公司不要理睬Utrecht的研究成果。电脑游戏还应该列为禁区。
From the wrist, as well as from the heart, I urge all companies to take no notice of the Utrecht findings. Computer games should remain taboo.

上周花了些时间“研究”在公司电脑上打游戏之后,我受“益”匪浅。非但一如既往地痴迷于空当接龙,还开始挖起地雷,并加入红心大战来。
In spending some of last week "researching" card games on my office computer, I have done myself no favours. I am not only as addicted to solitaire as ever, but also am in the early stages of a new relationship with Minesweeper and FreeCell.

哥尔斯坦还在一家老人院开展了一项类似的实验,发现玩电脑游戏能振奋精神。这想法很让人觉得安慰,也给了我一个启发。我准备现在把玩这个游戏的恶习戒了,等过了三四十年,发现世上其它浪费时间的方式都不太好使了,我再把这个习惯捡起来,另外还有抽烟。
Prof Goldstein has conducted a similar experiment in an old people's home, where he also found that playing computer games raised morale. This thought is comforting, and gives me an idea. I am going to kick the habit now and take it up again, along with smoking, in three or four decades when other opportunities for wasting time are thinner on the ground.
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