African choicesGodwin Nnanna

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African choicesGodwin Nnanna
May 03, 2007 Many western companies have irreversibly damaged their reputations in Africa through a tragic disregard for local communities. Chinese corporations can avoid making the same mistakes, says Godwin Nnanna.The April 22 attack on a Chinese-run oil field in Ethiopia has brought to the fore a rising threat that confronts China in its hunt for oil and other natural resources in Africa: rebel insurgency.
There are militant groups pursuing a number of different agendas in virtually every oil-producing region of the continent, and the barbaric attack by the Ogaden National Liberation Front(ONLF) is not the first that Chinese oil workers in Africa have experienced in recent times. In Nigeria’s Niger Delta, where China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) last April procured a major oil bloc, attacks on oil workers have become an increasingly regular occurrence.
For China, the attacks represent not only a threat to the lives of its citizens working in these troubled areas, but also a big challenge to its economic projections. China may know what it wants in terms of economic development, but it does appear to be at loss over how to handle the threat militant groups pose to its operations in Africa.
Tough choices

China’s rise in the continent’s energy sector has been astronomical in scale. In the last five years, the Chinese presence in Africa has gone from insignificant outpost to a spread that covers nearly half the continent.
However, in Angola, Sudan and Nigeria – three major centres of China’s investment in Africa – Chinese oil corporations face tough choices over whether to retreat or remain. And it seems that Beijing has ruled out retreat as an option.
Sinopec, the Chinese oil company that owns the targeted Ogaden oil field, has announced it is not pulling out of the disputed region of Ethiopia. The country’s proven reserves of oil and gas are minimal, but analysts believe there is potential – particularly on the gas front – in the Ogaden region. This is the attraction for Sinopec.
ONLF has warned foreign oil companies that “oil investments in Ogaden will result in a similar loss for any firm that believes assurances of security it receives from the Ethiopian government”. China looks to be in a dilemma: in order to keep pace with its fast growing economy and ever-increasing energy demands, China has found itself in risky parts of the world that others might consider too dangerous.
The present situation is compounded by China’s diplomatic strategy of non-interference, a quiet approach that has endeared the country to many African leaders. The recent Ethiopian attack has shown that China’s success in Africa may come at a price well above the figures agreed in contracts with African governments.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Liu Jianchao said that Beijing will look for ways to improve the safety of its workers in Africa. \"In response to these recent incidents concerning the safety of Chinese personnel,” said Liu, “the relevant departments are carrying out an assessment of safety abroad to help Chinese businesses smoothly develop economic and trade cooperation abroad and ensure the safety of Chinese personnel.”
But Liu did not elaborate on what options his government would explore to enhance security for Chinese workers, and Beijing insists the incident will not alter its policy of encouraging Chinese businesses to operate in Africa.
Merely increasing security around oil installations – as a Chinese official from Sinopec reportedly put forward last week – does not look to be a strategy that can quell rebel onslaughts on these installations. Certainly it has not proven to be a workable solution in the Niger Delta, where it has only served to toughen the militants.
Corporate citizenship

A closer look at the situation in some of the places where China currently operates shows that companies like Sinopec are following a traditional pattern. Western companies, such as Shell, have long operated with little regard for environmental standards and the welfare of host communities. And while some may argue that social welfare should be the responsibility of government rather than corporations, oil companies can do a lot to ensure that these governments – most of which are joint partners – do more for their people.
By supporting humanitarian activities, business can affirm its long-term commitment to host communities. This support helps companies to build relationships and strengthen their reputations. Chinese corporations can achieve a strategic business benefit through genuinely humanitarian activities, but not through smokescreen PR gimmicks. This is the rationale behind corporate social responsibility or corporate citizenship.
In most parts of Africa, agriculture remains a lifeline for communities – the land and water represent the entire livelihood of the people. Any attempt to destroy Africa’s natural heritage will attract resistance from the people. Today, Shell Corporation has damaged its reputation in most Niger Delta communities due to its poor environmental record.
Shell is the largest field operator in Nigeria, and accounts for about half of the country's oil operations. It claims to adhere to the highest standards of practice in cleaning oil spills and reducing gas flares, but as even a cursory visit to the Delta shows, these standards are in fact far lower than in other countries. While it is by no means the only culprit, Shell’s record of environmental recklessness in Nigeria may be the worst in the world.
However, in Gabon, Sinopec has almost turned the once beautiful Loango National Park to an environmental eyesore, and there is a risk the Chinese corporation may damage its reputation as Shell already has. Today, oil workers in the Niger Delta suffer immense intimidation because of the way that greedy and corrupt governments have collaborated with selfish corporations.
Chinese operators can check rebel insurgency among local communities, particularly in countries where they have only recently established themselves, such as Liberia, Niger, Ethiopia, and Gabon, by ensuring that they strike a reasonable balance between economic interests and the long-term wellbeing of host communities. After all, the oil wells will dry up, but the land and the people will remain.
Chinese corporations must prove their commitment to transparency, high environmental standards and fair working conditions for host communities, not through their words, but through their actions. Many host governments may ignore these issues to protect their own interests. Existing laws may also overlook corporations’ activities – such was the case in Loango National Park, where Sinopec entered on a legal loophole – but corporations must be discerning and responsible enough to care about local communities and ensure that they do not make themselves targets of the people's wrath.



Godwin Nnanna is the Accra Bureau chief of BusinessDay Nigeria. He was a gold medallist in the 2006 UN Foundations Prize for excellence in reporting development and humanitarian issues


非洲的选择古德温•恩娜娜
2007年5月3日 西方国家的很多公司因漠视了非洲当地社区的福祉而无可挽回地损害了它们在非洲的声誉。古德温•恩娜娜说，中国企业可以避免犯这样的错误。4月22日在埃塞俄比亚发生的针对中国开发的油田的袭击，凸显出中国在非洲寻找石油和其它自然资源中所面临的一个日益加剧的威胁，那就是叛军的动乱。

在非洲大陆，不同的武装组织其实在每一个产油区都在寻求许多不同的目标，欧加登民族解放阵线（ONLF）发动的野蛮袭击并不是在非洲的中国石油工人近来遇到的首次袭击。在尼日利亚的尼日尔三角洲，中国海洋石油总公司（中海油）去年4月获得了一块较大的石油区块，而这里针对石油工人的袭击已屡见不鲜。


对中国而言，这类袭击不仅意味着对其在这些动荡地区工作的公民生命的威胁，也意味着对其经济项目构成的巨大挑战。中国也许明白在经济发展过程中想要获得什么，但中国在处理针对其在非洲活动的武装组织威胁中却显得不占上风。

艰难的选择

中国在非洲能源领域已大规模崛起。在过去的五年里，中国在非洲的存在，已从无足轻重的前哨，扩展到几近非洲大陆的半壁江山。

然而，在安哥拉、苏丹和尼日利亚这三个其在非洲的主要投资中心，中国石油公司都面临着艰难的抉择：撤离还是坚守。而北京看来已经排除了撤离的可能性。


拥有受到袭击的欧登加油田的中国石油化工股份有限公司（中石化）已经宣布，不会撤出埃塞俄比亚的这一争议地区。该国已被探明的油气储量很少，但分析人士相信欧登加地区的潜在储量，特别是天然气储量。对中石化来说，这就是吸引力。

欧加登民族解放阵线已警告外国石油公司，“那些相信埃塞俄比亚政府安全保证的公司在欧登加的石油投资都会遭受类似的损失”。中国看来处在两难处境：为了跟上快速发展的经济和不断增长的能源需求的步伐，中国发现自己已置身于那些被其它国家视作风险过大的高危地区了。

中国实行互不干涉的外交战略，这种温和的措施受到了非洲许多国家领导人的青睐。这使目前的情况变得更加复杂。近来发生在埃塞俄比亚的袭击表明，中国在非洲的成功所要付出的代价也许远远高出其与非洲国家政府之间的合同金额。

中国外交部发言人刘建超说，北京将寻求加强其在非洲的工人安全的途径。

但是刘并没有详细阐述中国政府将采取何种措施加强中国工人的安全，北京还强调，这起事件不会改变鼓励中国企业进军非洲的政策。刘说：“针对近来出现的一些涉及海外中国公民的安全事件，中国有关部门正在进一步对海外安全状况进行评估，以帮助中国企业顺利安全地开展海外经贸合作，保证中方人员安全。”

据报道，上周来自中石化的中国官员建议增强围绕石油设施的安全，但仅仅这点似乎不是平息反叛武装攻击这些设施的办法。显然，这种办法在尼日尔三角洲被证明是行不通的，相反已让武装人员变得更强硬。

公司的公民义务

对一些中国目前经营的区域状况的进一步审视表明，像中石化这样的公司正在步传统模式的后尘。像壳牌这样的西方公司在长期经营中很少注意环境标准和当地社区福利。尽管一些人会说，社会福利应该是政府的责任，而不是由公司来提供，但石油公司却可以在保证这些政府（其中很多都是合作伙伴）为其国民提供福利方面大有作为。

通过支持人道主义行动，企业就可以确认其对当地社区的长期承诺。这种支持能帮助公司建立关系并增强信誉。中国公司通过真诚地开展人道主义行动，而不是施展什么公关骗术障眼法，就可以获得战略性商业利益。这就是公司社会责任或公司公民义务背后的逻辑依据。

在非洲的大多数地区，农业仍是社区的生命线，土地和水是民众赖以生存的一切。任何破坏非洲自然遗产的企图都将招致民众的抵制。今天，壳牌公司因为其在尼日尔三角洲地区多数社区糟糕的环境记录，已名誉扫地。事实上，壳牌公司往往被称作“地狱”。


壳牌公司是尼日利亚最大的油田经营者，约占该国石油业的一半。它声称遵守净化漏油和减少气体燃烧的最高作业标准 ，但只要对三角洲地区匆匆考察一下，就会发现，这些标准都远远低于在其他国家的标准。这绝非是唯一的劣迹，壳牌公司在尼日利亚糟糕的环境记录或许在世界上都无人能出其右。

然而，在加蓬，中石化差一点就把昔日美丽的罗安哥国家公园变成了一个环境丑八怪，而这个中国公司也面临像壳牌公司那样名誉扫地的风险。今天，由于贪婪、腐败的政府与自私的公司之间的合作方式，尼日尔三角洲的石油工人正经受着巨大的威胁。

通过保证在经济利益和当地社区长期福祉之间达到合理的平衡，中国的运营商就能控制地方的叛乱行动，尤其是在像利比里亚、尼日尔、埃塞俄比亚和加蓬这样中国公司最近才立足的国家。毕竟，油井终会干枯，土地和民众却依然存在。

中国公司必须向当地社区确保其在透明度、环保高标准、公平的工作条件上的承诺，不是靠怎么说，而是看怎么做。许多当地政府为了保护其自身利益，会忽视这些问题。现行的法律也可能忽略公司的行为，例如在罗安哥国家公园，中石化就钻了一个法律空子，但公司为了不激起众怒，就必须明辨是非且负起责任。


古德温·恩娜娜是尼日利亚《商业日报》阿克拉分社的主任，曾以其在发展和人道主义报道方面的出色成就而获得2006年联合国基金奖的金奖。