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[[语言学天地]] 专贴:About Language Teaching and Learning (请勿跟帖,谢谢!!!)

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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-25 08:59:36 | 显示全部楼层
BICS and CALP

The acronyms BICS and CALP refer to a distinction introduced by Cummins (1979) between basic interpersonal COMMUNICATIVE skills (BICS) and cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP). The distinction draws attention to the very different time periods typically required by immigrant children to acquire conversational fluency in their second language as compared to grade-appropriate academic proficiency in that language. Conversational fluency is often acquired to a functional level within about two years of initial exposure to the second language, whereas at least five years is usually required to catch up to NATIVE SPEAKERS in academic aspects of the second language (Collier, 1987; Klesmer, 1994; Cummins, 1981a). Failure to take account of the BICS/CALP (conversational/academic) distinction has resulted in discriminatory psychological assessment of bilingual students and premature exit from language support programmes, such as BILINGUAL EDUCATION in the United States, into mainstream classes (Cummins, 1984).

Skutnabb-Kangas and Toukomaa (1976) brought attention to the fact that Finnish immigrant children in Sweden often appeared to educators to be fluent in both Finnish and Swedish but still showed levels of verbal academic performance in both languages considerably below grade/AGE expectations. Similarly, analysis of psychological assessments administered to minority students showed that teachers and psychologists often assumed that children who had attained fluency in ENGLISH had overcome all difficulties with the language (Cummins, 1984). Yet these children frequently performed poorly on English academic tasks as well as in psychological assessment situations. Cummins (1981a) provided further evidence for the BICS/CALP distinction in a reanalysis of data from the Toronto Board of Education. Despite teacher observation that peerappropriate conversational fluency in English developed rapidly, a period of 5–7 years was required, on average, for immigrant students to approach grade norms in academic aspects of English.

The distinction was elaborated into two intersecting continua (Cummins, 1981b) which high-lighted the range of cognitive demands and contextual support involved in particular language tasks or activities (context-embedded/context-reduced, cognitively undemanding/cognitively de- manding). The BICS/CALP distinction was maintained within this elaboration and related to the theoretical distinctions of several other theorists, e.g. Bruner’s (1975) communicative and analytic competence, Donaldson’s (1978) embedded and disembedded language and Olson’s (1977) utterance and text. The terms used by different investigators vary, but the essential distinction refers to the extent to which the meaning being communicated is supported by contextual or interpersonal cues, such as gestures, facial expressions, and intonation present in face-to-face interaction, or is dependent on linguistic cues that are largely independent of the immediate communicative context.

The BICS/CALP distinction also served to qualify Oller’s (1979) claim that all individual differences in language proficiency could be accounted for by just one underlying factor, which he termed global language proficiency. Oller synthesised a considerable amount of data showing strong correlations between performance on CLOZE TESTS of READING, standardised reading tests, and measures of oral verbal ability, such as VOCABULARY measures. Cummins (1979, 1981b) pointed out that not all aspects of language use or performance could be incorporated into one dimension of global language proficiency. For example, if we take two monolingual English-speaking siblings, a 12-year-old child and a 6-year-old, there are enormous differences in these children’s ability to read and write English and in their knowledge of vocabulary, but minimal differences in their phonology or basic fluency The 6-year-old can understand virtually everything that is likely to be said to her in everyday social contexts and she can use language very effectively in these contexts, just as can the 12-year-old. Similarly, as noted above, in second language ACQUISITION contexts, immigrant children typically manifest very different time periods required to catch up to their peers in everyday face-to-face aspects of proficiency as compared to academic aspects.

Early critiques of the conversational/academic distinction were advanced by Edelsky and colleagues (Edelsky et al., 1983) and in a volume edited by Rivera (1984). Edelsky (1990) later reiterated and reformulated her critique, and others were advanced by Martin-Jones and Romaine (1986) and Wiley (1996).

The major criticisms are as follows:
• The conversational/academic language distinction reflects an autonomous perspective on language that ignores its location in social practices and power relations (Edelsky et al., 1983; Wiley, 1996).
• CALP or academic language proficiency represents little more than ‘test-wiseness’—it is an artefact of the inappropriate way in which it has been measured (Edelsky et al., 1983).
• The notion of CALP promotes a ‘deficit theory’ in so far as it attributes the academic failure of bilingual/minority students to low cognitive/ academic proficiency rather than to inappropriate schooling (Edelsky, 1990; Edelsky et al., 1983; Martin Jones and Romaine, 1986).

In response to these critiques, Cummins (Cummins, 2000) pointed to the elaborated sociopolitical framework within which the BICS/CALP distinction was placed (Cummins, 1986, 1996). Underachievement among subordinated students was attributed to coercive relations of power operating in the society at large which are reflected in schooling practices. He also invoked the work of Biber (1986) and Corson (1995) as evidence of the linguistic reality of the distinction. Corson highlighted the enormous lexical differences between typical conversational interactions in English as compared to academic or literacy-related uses of English. Similarly, Biber’s analysis of more than one million words of English speech and written text revealed underlying dimensions very consistent with the distinction between conversational and academic aspects of language proficiency. Cummins also pointed out that the construct of academic language proficiency does not in any way depend on test scores as support for either its construct VALIDITY or its relevance to education, as illustrated by the analyses of Corson and Biber.

The distinction between BICS and CALP has exerted a significant impact on a variety of educational policies and practices in both North America and the United Kingdom (e.g., Cline and Frederickson, 1996). Specific ways in which educators’ misunderstanding of the nature of language proficiency have contributed to the creation of academic difficulties among bilingual students have been highlighted by the distinction. At a theoretical level, however, the distinction is likely to remain controversial, reflecting the fact that there is no cross-disciplinary consensus regarding the nature of language proficiency and its relationship to academic achievement.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-26 20:57:28 | 显示全部楼层
Bilingual education

Bilingual education has a wide range of meanings but is generally used where two languages are used to transmit the curriculum. ‘Weak’ bilingual education occurs when children are only allowed to use their home language in the curriculum for a short period, with a transition to education solely through the majority language. ‘Strong’ bilingual education occurs when both languages are used in school to promote BILINGUALISM and biliteracy. Language methodology in bilingual education concerns the way in which languages are kept separate (e.g., by subject, person and time allocations) or are integrated (e.g., concurrent use of both languages in a lesson).

Bilingual education would seem to describe a situation where two languages are used in a school. However, ‘bilingual education’ is a simple label for a diverse phenomenon. One important distinction is between a school where there are bilingual children and a school that promotes bilingualism. In many schools of the world, there are bilingual and multilingual children. Yet the aim of the school may be to ensure that children develop in one language only. For example, a child may come to school speaking a minority language fluently but not the majority language. The school may aim to make that child fluent and literate in the majority language only, with integration and assimilation of that child into mainstream society. Such ‘weak’ forms of bilingual education aim for a transition from the home culture and language to the majority culture and language.

In other types of schools, the aim may be to teach the children two languages, and through the MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION of two languages, so that they develop full bilingualism and biliteracy. For example, in HERITAGE LANGUAGE schools, children may receive much of their instruction in the home language, with the majority language being used to transmit 20–90 per cent of the curriculum. Alternatively, a child from a majority language background may go to an immersion school or a mainstream bilingual school and learn through a second majority (or minority) language. For example, in CANADA, an English-speaking child may go to a French immersion school where much of the curriculum will be taught through the medium of FRENCH. Such ‘strong’ forms of bilingual education aim for children to maintain their MOTHER TONGUES, their minority languages, and become culturally pluralist. The maintenance and enhancement of language, literacy and cultural SKILLS are a key part of the school’s mission.

Bilingual education is a term that includes not only ‘weak’ and ‘strong’ forms but also trilingual or multilingual schools, where three or more languages are used (e.g. in the European Schools Movement, or Luxembourgish/German/French education in Luxembourg, or Hebrew/English/ French in Canada).

Second language-medium teaching is different from second language teaching. In the former, a child may be taught curriculum areas through the medium of that second language. For example, in the European Schools, children in the middle years of SECONDARY EDUCATION may learn History, Geography and Social Sciences through a second language. If there is a useful demarcation, then bilingual education may be said to start when more than one language is used to teach curriculum content (e.g. Science, Mathematics, Social Sciences or Humanities).

Language methodology in bilingual education
A teaching and learning methodology, separate from second language teaching methodology, has arisen in schools where both languages are used to transmit the curriculum. There are different dimensions of ‘how’ and ‘when’ two languages can be either separated and/or integrated in BILINGUAL METHODOLOGY, and these will be considered in turn.

In the allocation of two languages in the classroom and in the curriculum, the need for distinct separation and clear boundaries between the two languages is often advocated. The separation of languages can occur in school settings by reference to eight overlapping dimensions.

Subject or topic
In elementary schools and high schools, different curriculum areas may be taught in different languages. For example, Social Studies, Religious Education, Art, Music and Physical Education may be taught through the minority language (e.g. SPANISH in the USA). Mathematics, Science, Technology and Computer Studies may be taught through the majority language (e.g. ENGLISH). In primary schools, the allocation may be by topic rather than by subject. A danger is that the minority language becomes associated with tradition and history rather than with technology and science. The minority language is thereby allocated a lower status and is seen as much less relevant to modern existence.

Person
The use of two languages in a school may be separated according to person. For example, there may be two teachers working in a team-teaching situation. One teacher communicates with the children through the majority language, the other teacher through the children’s minority language. There is a clear language boundary established by person. Alternatively, teachers’ assistants, parents helping in the classroom, auxiliaries and paraprofessionals may function in the classroom as an alternative but separate language source for the children.

Time
A frequently-used strategy in language allocation in schools is for classes to operate at different times in different languages. For example, in some US Dual Language schools, one day may be taught in Spanish, the next day in English. Other schools alternate by half-days. The separation of time need not be solely in terms of days, half-days or lessons. It may also valuably include a policy that varies by grade and age. For example, children may be taught through the minority language for the first two or three years of elementary education for 100 per cent of the time. During the primary school, an increasing amount of time may be allocated to the majority language inside the school.
Place

A lesser used means of language separation in the classroom is via different physical locations for different languages. The assumption is that a physical location provides enough cues and clues to prompt the child to adhere to different languages in different places. In reality, the teacher and other students may be more crucial in influencing the choice of language. However, all informal events in the school contribute to the creation of the overall language experience of the school.

Medium of activity
Another form of separation focuses on distinguishing between LISTENING, SPEAKING, READING and WRITING in the classroom. For example, the teacher may give an oral explanation of a concept in one language, with a follow-up discussion with the class in that same language. Then the teacher may ask the children to complete their written work in a second language. This sequence may be deliberately reversed in a second lesson. The aim of such a teaching strategy is to reinforce and strengthen the learning by children. What is initially assimilated in one language is transferred and reinterpreted in a second language. By reprocessing the information in a different language, greater understanding may be achieved. One danger of ‘different medium’ separation is that one language may be used for oracy and another language for literacy. Where a minority language does not have a written script this may be a necessary boundary.

A ‘medium of activity’ separation strategy tends to be used when and only when—both the child’s languages are relatively well developed. When this has occurred, the argument is that a child has to think more deeply about the material when moving between languages, comparing and contrasting, developing the theme of the material, assimilating and accommodating, transferring and sometimes translating in order to secure a concept and understanding.

Function
In schools and classes where there are bilingual students, disciplining, informally talking with individual students or small groups, giving additional explanations, the minority language is used. Otherwise, the curriculum is delivered in the majority language.

Student
Students themselves help define the language that is being used in a classroom. For example, if a pupil addresses the teacher, it may not be in the language that the teacher has used to deliver the curriculum. Students influence when and where languages are used, and affect boundary making.

Language integration
In many bilingual classrooms, the frequent switching between two or more languages is customary. Jacobson (1990) has argued that, on occasions, the integrated use of both languages rather than language separation can be of value in a lesson. Four concurrent uses will now be considered.
Randomly switching languages

Bilingual children may switch languages within short episodes. In many minority language groups, this is frequent both in the home and on the street as it is in the school, and is a sign of shift towards the majority language. For minority languages to survive as relatively distinct and standardised languages, few would argue for such a random practice to be encouraged in a bilingual classroom.

Translating
In some bilingual classrooms, teachers will repeat in another language what they have previously said. For example, the teacher may explain a concept in French, and then repeat the same explanation in English. The danger is that children will opt out of listening when the teacher is transmitting in their weaker language.

Previewing and reviewing
One strategy in a classroom is to give the preview in the minority language and then the fuller review in the majority language. That is, a topic is introduced in the child’s minority language, for example, to give an initial understanding. Then the subject matter is considered in depth in the majority language. This may be reversed. While an extension and reinforcement of ideas occurs by moving from one language to another, there is sometimes also unnecessary duplication and a slow momentum.

Purposeful concurrent usage
Jacobson (1990) proposed that equal amounts of time are allocated to two languages, and teachers consciously initiate movement from one language to another. This may strengthen and develop both languages, and reinforce taught concepts by being considered and processed in both languages. A use of both languages, it is suggested, contributes to a deeper understanding of the subject matter being studied.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-26 21:00:22 | 显示全部楼层
Bilingualism

Who is bilingual or not is difficult to define and requires consideration of a person’s ability in and use of two (or more) languages. Few bilinguals are equally proficient in both languages and tend to use their languages for different purposes in different domains or areas of language use. Thus, balanced bilinguals are rare. Bilinguals have been described as ‘double semilinguals’, but this is usually a function of social and economic circumstances and not of limits to a bilingual’s linguistic or cognitive potential. Negative characterisations of bilinguals (the fractional view) are compared with holistic characterisations, of which codeswitching is one example.

Individual bilingualism
Bilingualism and multilingualism are frequent phenomena in almost every country of the world. Estimates are that between 50 and 70 per cent of the world’s population are bilingual—depending partly on how ‘bilingual’ is defined and the complex relationship between a language and a dialect. However, there is no simple definition of bilingualism (the term bilingualism is often used to include trilingualism and multilingualism) or classification of bilinguals; but the following central issues clarify the concept.
• There is a difference between ability in language and use of language, usually referred to as the difference between degree (proficiency or COMPETENCE in a language) and function (use of two languages). An individual’s proficiency in each language may vary across the four language competencies of SPEAKING, LISTENING, READING and WRITING. An academic may use one language for conversation but switch to another language for reading and writing. Another person may understand a second language well, in its spoken and written form, but may not be able to speak or write it well. Such a person is said to have a passive or receptive competence in a second language.
• Few bilinguals are equally proficient in both languages. One language tends to be stronger than the other. This is described as the dominant language but it is not always the first or native language of the bilingual. Defining bilinguals as those who have native-like competence in both languages (BLOOMFIELD, 1933) is too restrictive and fails to reflect the reality of language life in bilinguals. The vast majority of bilinguals do not have native-like competence in both languages but still regularly use both languages.
• Few bilinguals possess the same competence as monolingual speakers in either of their languages. This is partly because bilinguals use their languages for different functions and purposes and with different people. Levels of proficiency in a language may depend on in which domains (e.g. street and home) and how often that language is used. Communicative competence in one of a bilingual’s two languages is usually stronger in some domains than in others. For example, some bilinguals use one language at home, in religion and in the local community. They use another language at work and in meetings to do with their trade or profession. This explains why many bilinguals are not effective at INTERPRETATION and TRANSLATION. Bilinguals rarely have identical lexical knowledge in both languages.

A particular case of a bilingual is a deaf person who uses SIGN LANGUAGE (e.g. British Sign Language, American Sign Language) and has oracy and/or literacy competence in a spoken majority or minority language (e.g. ENGLISH).
• A bilingual’s competence in a language may vary over time and according to changing circumstances. Over time, the second language may become the stronger or dominant language. If a person loses contact with those who speak it, he or she may lose fluency in that language.
• Bilinguals are often expected to be balanced in their language competencies. This is rarely the case. A balanced bilingual is often regarded as someone who possesses AGE-appropriate competence in two languages. The term ‘balanced bilinguals’ is more of an idealised concept, as dominance in languages varies according to the contexts in which those languages are used.
• Another proposed (but much contested) category of bilinguals is ‘semilinguals’ or ‘double semilinguals’, regarded as having ‘insufficient’ competence in either language. A ‘semilingual’ is seen as someone with deficiencies in both languages when compared with monolinguals. Such a person is considered to possess a small VOCABULARY and incorrect GRAMMAR, consciously thinks about language production, is stilted and uncreative with both languages, and finds it difficult to think and express emotions in either language. The notion of semilingualism, or double semilingualism, has received much criticism (e.g. Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981). For example, if languages are relatively undeveloped, the origins may not be in bilingualism per se, but in the economic, educational, political and social conditions that constrain development. The danger of the term ‘semilingualism’ is that it locates the origins of underdevelopment in the individual rather than in external, societal factors that co-exist with bilingualism. Thus linguistic underdevelopment in bilinguals is typically a function of social and economic circumstances and not of limits to a bilingual’s linguistic or cognitive potential. Indeed, there are cognitive advantages for bilingualism (e.g. creative thinking; see Baker, 1996).

Until recently, bilinguals have often been wrongly portrayed negatively (e.g., split identity, cognitive deficits, double semilingualism). While part of this is political (e.g., assimilating immigrants, majority language groups asserting their greater power and status), a misjudgement of bilinguals is often based on a failure to understand that bilinguals typically use their languages for different purposes, with different people and in different contexts. Bilinguals are increasingly understood in terms of their ‘wholeness’, their total language repertoire and language use.

Grosjean (1985) suggests two contrasting views of bilinguals. First, there is a fractional view of bilinguals, which perceives the bilingual as ‘two monolinguals in one person’. For example, a bilingual’s English language competence is typically measured against that of a native monolingual English speaker. Many bilinguals themselves feel they are not sufficiently competent in one or both of their languages compared with monolinguals, thus accepting and reinforcing the monolingual view of bilinguals. A second, holistic view argues that the bilingual is not the sum of two complete or incomplete monolinguals, but has a unique linguistic profile. Thus any ASSESSMENT of a bilingual’s language proficiency should be based on a totality of the bilingual’s language usage in all domains. In this viewpoint, the bilingual is a complete linguistic entity, an integrated whole.

Another misconception until recently was that there were coordinate bilinguals (who had two separate systems for their two languages), compound bilinguals (who had one integrated system for their two languages), and subordinate bilinguals. Language learners were often conceived as subordinate bilinguals who filter their second language through their first language (e.g. they interpret words in the second language through the first language). There is little evidence to support this triple classification, and the distinctions are generally regarded as too simplistic and invalid. Similarly, there is little confirmation as to whether bilinguals store their languages separately, interdependently, or have three stores (first language, second language, concepts).

Some children acquire two languages from birth. This is often called simultaneous bilingualism or ‘bilingualism as a first language’ as distinct from consecutive, sequential or successive bilingualism which result from informal or formal language learning in later years. Three years of age is generally regarded as an approximate borderline between simultaneous and consecutive bilingualism.

‘Codeswitching’ is the term used to describe the purposeful way in which bilinguals move between their two languages. Bilinguals codeswitch, for example, because they do not know a word or a phrase in one language or because they can express an idea more adequately or effectively in a second language. Codeswitching can also be used to mark relationships, signalling status and situation, deference and intimacy. Bilinguals often operate along a dimension from monolingual proceedings to frequent codeswitching with similar bilinguals, with many possibilities between these two.

The issues raised indicate that a distinction between a second language learner and a bilingual will be arbitrary and artificial. There is a multiple series of dimensions such that classification is dependent on self and other attribution as much as ability in languages. That is, labels are dependent on perception as much as on proficiency. Any language learner is an incipient bilingual. Any bilingual is or was a language learner.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-27 10:53:53 | 显示全部楼层
Bilingual method

Bilingual method is a method of language teaching developed by C.J.Dodson (1967/1972) to improve the AUDIO-VISUAL method as advocated in the 1960s. Its architecture is best understood as a traditional three-phase structure of presentation—practice—production. A lesson cycle starts out with the reproduction/performance of a basic dialogue, moves on to the variation and recombination of the basic sentences (semi-free use of language), and ends up with an extended application stage characterised by the free, communicative exploitation of the previous work. Well-ordered activities take the students up to a conversational level in the shortest possible time. Examples given here are from the teaching of English to German students, but the method has been applied in a variety of bilingual concepts, including Welsh/English, Gaelic/English, English/Swedish, English/Polish, German/Japanese, etc.

In audio-visual courses, basic dialogues are presented and practised over several months on a purely oral basis. Dodson, however, proposed a well-tested procedure where the printed sentence is presented simultaneously to the oral utterance from the beginning. Teachers may read out the dialogue to the class just once with books closed, but as soon as they get the class to say the lines after them, books should be open and the class is allowed to glance at the text in between imitation responses as they listen to others, and look up when they speak themselves. Dodson showed that, provided the class is instructed to make the spoken sentence the primary stimulus, the imitation of sentences could be speeded up, without degradation of intonation and undue interference from the printed text. Having the printed word to glance at (whilst at the same time relying on the auditory image of the sentence just heard), pupils find it easier to segment the amorphous sound stream and retain the fleeting sound image. The mutual support of script and sound outweighs possible interference effects (e.g. where ‘knife’ would be pronounced with an initial ‘k’ sound by German learners of English).

Audio-visual TEXTBOOKS present dialogues with a picture strip on the left. The pictures (also available on slides) are designed to match closely the meaning of the dialogue sentences. It was claimed that at long last the necessary media (slides and audio tapes) had been made available to do justice to DIRECT METHOD principles and allow teaching without relying on the MOTHER TONGUE. Pictures and slides, along with the teacher’s drawings and realia, should clarify the meaning of new words and structures.

Dodson, however, used oral mother-tongue equivalents at sentence level to convey the meaning of unknown words or structures. Interference from the mother tongue is avoided because the teacher says each dialogue sentence twice, with the mother tongue version sandwiched between:
Teacher (or tape): Night’s candles are burnt out
Teacher: Die Nacht hat ihre Kerzen ausgebrannt
Teacher: Night’s candles are burnt out
Teacher points to pupil(s) to repeat the sentence after him.

It is the direct succession of the (second) foreign language stimulus and the imitation response which prevents interference.

Not word, but utterance, equivalents are given—either whole utterances or meaningful parts of an utterance. The teacher chooses the closest natural equivalent which accomplishes what probably no other method of semanticising can do so directly and so sensitively, i.e. convey the precise communicative value of the utterance. Whereas an isolated word equivalent is neutral in terms of intonation, teachers can now show how the utterance is meant by using their voice and body (intonation, stress, gestures), both for the original sentence and for the equivalent. Moreover, natural, idiomatic translations include, for instance, typical German modal particles (‘denn’, ‘doch’, ‘schon’, ‘ja’) which contribute to the full meaning of an utterance:
Wilt thou be gone? It is not yet near day.
Willst du schon gehen? Der Tag ist ja noch fern.

All in all, through these synergistic effects the teacher is able to create a total language event that immediately brings home to the pupils what and how an utterance is meant. This is very different from traditional bilingual word lists as well as from AUDIOLINGUAL parallel texts. The mother tongue thus proves to be the ideal (and most direct) means of getting the meaning across as completely and as quickly as possible. Bringing the differences to light, contrasting and comparing, seems to be the most effective antidote to interference errors. Pupils who, on hearing the FRENCH ‘anniversaire’ without at first linking it to ‘birthday’ would simply not understand. Dodson was able to show by controlled experiments that a combination of printed word, mother tongue equivalents and picture strip (for retention of meaning, not for meaning conveyance), can bring a class more quickly to a point where they can act out a basic situation as freely and naturally as possible.
Due to this technique of meaning-conveyance, authentic LITERARY TEXTS become available even to beginners—quite an important side-effect. There need not be the content vacuum that is so typical of beginners’ MATERIALS.

The bilingual method proceeds step-by-step under careful guidance with continual feedback, ensuring that prerequisite sub- or part SKILLS are acquired (within a lesson cycle) before a final stage of free and spontaneous language use. Learners are led from knowing nothing about a language situation to complete mastery of this situation, from a mastery of one situation to a mastery of sentence variations and combinations, and from a mastery of known situation combinations to forays into new, unknown and unforeseeable communication situations. It is argued that free, message-oriented use of new language when attempted too early in the lesson cycle, and on too flimsy a basis, would only undermine the pupils’ confidence.

The Generative principle and communication
Learners create new sentences by interchanging words and structures already previously consolidated: HUMBOLDT’s idea that language is a way of ‘making infinite use of finite means’. The teacher’s cues for possible substitutions and extensions are given in the native language. This bilingual technique prevents pupils from giving ‘empty’ responses, and sentence variations become concept variations which exploit the communicative potential of a given structure. This is an important improvement on conventional pattern practice, whose sole focus was the automatisation of structures. It is syntactic and semantic manipulation at the same time, which prevents the process from becoming mechanical. Again, the teacher can use voice and body language to support meaning. Paradoxically, the new foreign language pattern is pressed home by using the familiar first language pattern. A literal and often ungrammatical TRANSLATION—called Spiegelung/mirroring—may be added just once if the new structure is not transparent to the learner:
Teacher: Ich will ja nur eine Tasse Tee. (Alles ich will ist eine Tasse Tee.)
Pupil: All I want is a cup of tea
Teacher: Ich will ja nur eine Tasse Kaffee
Pupil: All I want is a cup of coffee
Teacher: Ich will ja nur eine ruhige Klasse
Pupil: All I want is a quiet class

Pupils are trained to take these linguistic leaps which are at the same time concept leaps. With the right type of substitutions, the teacher can help the students to perceive the structure as valid and relevant to their communicative NEEDS. Finally, students take over, make up their own sentences or chain sentences together, and may thus venture into new situations. The native language (and to some extent the teacher) is no longer needed, and the exercise becomes monolingual.

Dodson concentrates on a careful sequence of steps so that a growing command of words and structures gradually leads to message-oriented communication, where people exchange messages and mean what they say. If the practice stopped before that point, the students would be cheated. About one-third of the whole teaching time should be allocated to genuine communicative activities. For every lesson cycle, the transition must be made from role-taking to role-making, from bilingual EXERCISES to foreign-language-only activities, from guided use to free use, from studying the language to studying topics meaningful in their own way. Bilingual method techniques fit well into a modern communicative approach.

Dodson’s seminal work dealt the death blow to the short-sighted notion of the mother tongue as nothing but a source of interference. It is, above all, a scaffold on which to build further languages. Teachers can banish the native language from the classroom, but cannot banish it from the students’ minds. It would even be counterproductive, since it would mean trying to stop them thinking altogether. However, in spite of Dodson’s experiments and subsequent confirmation by other researchers (see especially Meijer, 1974, a book-length study of a year-long experimental comparison of methods with Dutch pupils of French), in many countries orthodoxy still says that the mother tongue should be avoided except for occasional glosses of difficult words. The problem lies not in the new ideas, but in escaping from the old ones.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-27 10:56:00 | 显示全部楼层
CAL—The Center for Applied Linguistics

The Center is a private, non-profit-making organisation established in the USA in 1959, whose organisational headquarters are located in Washington, DC, with a regional office in Sarasota, Florida.

The Center’s core purpose is to improve communication through better understanding of language and culture. To accomplish this purpose, CAL seeks to promote and improve the teaching and learning of languages, identify and solve problems related to language and culture, and serve as a resource for information about language and culture.

CAL staff have expertise in languages and LINGUISTICS, education, measurement and EVALUATION, PSYCHOLOGY and sociology. The organisation provides its services to schools, school districts, states, institutions of HIGHER EDUCATION, businesses and government agencies in the United States and around the world.

Specific services provided by the Center include curriculum and MATERIALS development, information collection and dissemination, language testing, NEEDS assessment, policy analysis, professional development, programme design and evaluation, research, technical assistance, and TRANSLATION. Languages covered are ENGLISH as a second or foreign language as well as dialects of English, and foreign languages both commonly and less commonly taught.

Website
The website of the Center for Applied Linguistics is: http://www.cal.org

CALL (Computer Assisted Language Learning)
CALL is an approach to language teaching and learning in which computer technology is used as an aid to the presentation, reinforcement and assessment of material to be learned, usually including a substantial interactive element. Early CALL favoured an approach that drew heavily on practices associated with programmed instruction. This was reflected in the term Computer Assisted Language Instruction (CALI), which originated in the USA and was in common use until the early 1980s, when CALL became the dominant term. Throughout the 1980s CALL widened its scope, embracing the communicative approach and a range of new technologies, especially multimedia and communications technology. An alternative term to CALL emerged in the early 1990s, namely Technology Enhanced Language Learning (TELL), which is felt to provide a more accurate description of the activities which fall broadly within the range of CALL.

Typical CALL programs present a stimulus to which the learner must respond. The stimulus may be presented in any combination of text, still images, sound and motion video. The learner responds by typing at the keyboard, pointing and clicking with the mouse, or speaking into a microphone. The computer offers feedback, indicating whether the learner’s response is right or wrong and, in the more sophisticated CALL programs, attempting to analyse the learner’s response and to pinpoint errors. Branching to help and remedial activities is a common feature of CALL programs.

The extent to which the computer is capable of analysing learners’ errors has been a matter of controversy since CALL began. Practitioners who come into CALL via the disciplines of computational LINGUISTICS, natural language processing and language engineering—mainly computer scientists—tend to be more optimistic about the potential of ERROR ANALYSIS by computer than those who come into CALL via language teaching. Computer scientists have made enormous advances in the development of parsers and speech analysis software, but language teachers continue to be sceptical about the use of such tools. The controversy hinges on those who favour the use of artificial intelligence (AI) techniques to develop ‘intelligent CALL’ (ICALL) programs (Matthews, 1994) and, at the other extreme, those who perceive this approach as a threat to humanity (Last, 1989:153).

Within the language teaching profession itself, there has been some degree of controversy about the teacher-centred, drill-based approach to CALL, as opposed to the learner-centred, explorative approach. The explorative approach is strongly favoured by teachers who advocate the use of computer-generated concordances in the language classroom—described as ‘data-driven learning’ (DDL) by Johns (Johns and King, 1991; see also Tribble and Jones, 1990).

CALL’s origins can be traced back to the 1960s. Up until the late 1970s CALL projects were confined mainly to universities, where computer programs were developed on large mainframe computers. The PLATO project, initiated at the University of Illinois in 1960, is an important landmark in the early development of CALL (Marty, 1981).

The advent of microcomputers in the late 1970s brought computing within the range of a wider audience, resulting in a boom in the development of CALL programs and a flurry of publications in the early 1980s (Davies and Higgins, 1982, 1985; Kenning and Kenning, 1984; Last 1984; Ahmad et al., 1985). Many of the CALL programs that were produced in the early 1980s consisted of a series of drills, multiple-choice EXERCISES and CLOZE TESTS, focusing on GRAMMAR and VOCABULARY. This was out of tune with orthodox language teaching methodology, which by this time had embraced COMMUNICATIVE LANGUAGE TEACHING. There was initially a lack of imagination and skill on the part of programmers, a situation that was rectified to a considerable extent by the publication of an influential seminal work by Higgins and Johns (1984), which contained numerous examples of alternative approaches to CALL.

Early microcomputers were incapable of presenting AUTHENTIC recordings of the human voice and easily recognisable images, but this limitation was overcome by combining a 12-inch videodisc player and a microcomputer to create an interactive videodisc system, which made it possible to combine sound, photographic-quality still images and video recordings in attractive presentations. The result was the development of interactive videodiscs such as Montevidisco (Schneider and Bennion, 1984) and Expodisc (Davies, 1991), both of which were designed as simulations in which the learner played a key role. Inappropriate responses by the learner could result in failure to communicate the right message to the characters in the video recordings with, in Montevidisco, disastrous consequences.

The techniques learned in the 1980s by the developers of interactive videodiscs were adapted for multimedia personal computers (MPCs), which were in widespread use by the early 1990s. CD-ROM was established as the standard storage medium for MPCs, having being used initially in the 1980s to store large quantities of text and later to store sound, still images and video. By the mid-1990s a wide range of multimedia CD-ROMs for language learners was available, including imaginative simulations such as Who is Oscar Lake? (produced by Language Publications Interactive, New York). MPCs are more compact and cheaper than the interactive videodisc systems of the 1980s and, in combination with CD-ROM technology, they are capable of presenting photographic quality images and hi-fi audio recordings. The quality of video recordings offered by CD-ROM technology, however, has been slow to catch up with that offered by the older interactive videodiscs. The Digital Video Disc (DVD), which offers much higher-quality video recordings, appears to point the way ahead.

In 1992 the World Wide Web (WWW) was launched, reaching the general public in 1993. The WWW is a system for finding and accessing resources on the INTERNET, the worldwide network of computers, and is playing an increasingly important role in language teaching and learning. Compared to CD-ROM-based CALL, however, the WWW lacks interactivity and speed of access, especially when downloading sound and video. It remains to be seen to what extent initial enthusiasm for the WWW as a delivery medium for language learning MATERIALS will be sustained: see Burgess and Eastham (1997), Schwienhorst (1997). There is no doubt, however, that the WWW is a remarkable source of information and means of communication.

CALL’s influence extends into a wide range of language teaching and learning activities. A language MEDIA CENTRE is almost certain to contain a number of multimedia computers and to offer access to the Internet. CALL also plays an important role in AUTONOMOUS LEARNING, open and DISTANCE LEARNING (ODL), and TANDEM LEARNING.

CALL figures prominently in the activities of the Association for Language Learning (ALL), the BRITISH COUNCIL, the COUNCIL OF EUROPE, the GOETHE-INSTITUT, FIPLV and IATEFL.
Several professional associations are devoted to CALL and TELL, most publishing a regular journal (in brackets here). Among these are: EUROCALL, Europe (ReCALL); CALICO, USA (CALICO Journal); IALL, USA (IALL Journal of Language Learning Technologies); CCALL, Canada (regular conferences but no journal); ATELL, Australia (On-CALL); CALL Austria (TELL&-CALL). The main CALL and TELL associations are grouped together under WorldCALL, based at the University of Melbourne, Australia.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-28 13:34:59 | 显示全部楼层
Canada

In the Canadian federal system, education is constitutionally designated as being under provincial jurisdiction. However, the federal government exerts an influence, through federal/provincial agreements, on the teaching of FRENCH and ENGLISH and the aboriginal and immigrant languages.
Because the Official Languages Acts (1969, 1988) made French and English the two official languages, each province receives financial support for all children enrolled in public school courses teaching French as a Second Language (FSL) or English as a Second Language (ESL). In addition, the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) guarantees to all Canadians of French and English descent education in their MOTHER TONGUE, where numbers warrant. Quebec is francophone and all the other provinces and territories predominantly anglophone, which creates a distinction between majority and minority language schooling. Thus the minority language group in Quebec is anglophone, while elsewhere it is francophone. In order to ensure mother tongue education in the minority language communities, the federal government gives financial support to French and English-first-language schools. The Multiculturalism Acts (1971, 1988) also encourage the maintenance of all HERITAGE LANGUAGES (aboriginal and immigrant), and federal financial support is provided for heritage language programmes. While the money is distributed through federal/provincial agreements, the provincial governments control its use.

The three major groups of languages taught in Canada are aboriginal, colonial (English and French) and immigrant languages. Since twentieth century immigrants settled mainly in the westerly provinces, ethnic—and therefore linguistic—diversity increases from east to west. As a general pattern, English, French and the aboriginal languages are taught in the Atlantic provinces; in Quebec and Ontario, these same language groups in addition to several immigrant languages, particularly SPANISH and Italian, are taught. In the western provinces the number of immigrant languages taught increases dramatically, with a considerable emphasis on oriental languages appearing in the extreme west. In provinces such as Alberta and British Columbia, the priority on French as an official language is not as readily accepted as in eastern Canada.

Provincial departments of education take all the decisions pertaining to languages taught, curriculum, resources, number of hours of instruction and pedagogy, with some wide variations. Since each province (except New Brunswick, where school boards were eliminated in 1997) is divided into a number of school districts governed by boards or commissions, with considerable discretion in interpreting provincial guidelines, there is additional variation at the classroom level.

As a general rule, the teaching of ESL and FSL begins at grade 4 in the public school system. In English schools, FSL instruction is generally included in the regular curriculum until the end of grade 9; participation in FSL programmes from grade 10 to the end of secondary school (grade 12) is optional. In French schools, ESL instruction is usually continued to the end of secondary school. While participation in ESL and FSL programmes is encouraged, participation is compulsory only in some provinces, and then only at certain grade levels. Instruction in other second languages usually begins in the intermediate (grades 7 to 9) or secondary (grades 10 to 12) school. French, English or another second language is taught for approximately 40 minutes per day. This model describes the regular second language programme. For FSL, this is termed ‘core French’ and is the most widespread option. About 90 per cent of the total anglophone school population is enrolled in a core French programme, giving students who participate in such a programme from grade 4 to the end of grade 12 about 1200 hours of instruction in the second language. A similar percentage of francophone students participates in the regular ESL programme in Quebec.

The exceptions to this general pattern are the programmes designed for the teaching of ESL and FSL to immigrants. ESL instruction is offered on a non-graded basis, according to need, in anglophone schools; children attend regular classes while improving their English SKILLS. In Quebec, the learning of French, which is compulsory under provincial legislation for all immigrants, is addressed through special programmes, called classes d’accueil (welcoming classes), which are offered both within the public school system for children and through centres d’orientation et de formation des immigrants (COFI—Orientation and Language Learning Centres for Immigrants) for adults. A designated proficiency level is required before entering other programmes, as the language of instruction is French. The classesd’accueil have a dual purpose with cultural as well as linguistic goals.

For the teaching of FSL and ESL, models other than the core or regular programme have been developed. In the francophone schools of Quebec, where teaching subject matter in any language other than French is forbidden, intensive English was initiated. In this model, students are exposed to a concentrated period of study in English during one half of the academic year at grades 5 or 6. During the other half of the year the regular curriculum is offered in a compressed form. The increased exposure to English, about three to four times above the norm, occurs in a communicative situation, providing a mini-immersion experience without studying other content areas in English. This model was begun in the school district of Mille Iles, Quebec, in 1970. Newfoundland and Labrador have also experimented with intensive French.

In anglophone schools in all provinces and territories, various types of French immersion programmes are offered. These include: early immersion (EFI), beginning in kindergarten or grade 1; middle immersion (MFI), beginning in grades 4 or 5; and late immersion (LFI), generally beginning in grade 7. Programmes are based on a home-school language switch, and students study the regular content areas of the curriculum in French. In the EFI programme in the primary grades (1–3), 80 to 100 per cent of the curriculum is taught in French. English language arts are introduced at grade 3, and from grade 4 to the end of secondary school approximately 60 to 70 per cent of the curriculum is offered in French, with the rest in English. Students remaining in this programme to the end of secondary school receive about 5,000 hours of instruction in French.

In MFI and LFI, the first years are not given entirely in French, as some subjects can only be offered in English due to the specialities of available teachers. In general, a 60/40 division of subjects between those offered in French and those in English is desired, which decreases to 30 per cent in French in secondary school. Considerable variation exists from one programme to another, due primarily to teacher qualifications and timetable exigencies within a particular school situation. Subjects taught in French tend to be the social sciences, although some school districts offer natural sciences and mathematics. Students remaining in these programmes to the end of grade 12 reach approximately 3,000 hours of instruction in French. In Canada overall, about 10 per cent of the anglophone/allophone school population is enrolled in French immersion programmes.

The immersion model, initiated in 1965 in St. Lambert, Quebec, has been widely adopted throughout the world as a means of teaching a second language. It has also been adapted to the teaching of other second languages, such as the Inuit languages in northern Canada and the oriental languages in western Canada. Other models, less widespread and influential, have been developed for the teaching of FSL. These include bilingual programmes (50 per cent instruction in each of French and English); and extended (or expanded) core French, where one or two areas of the regular curriculum are taught in French in addition to the regular core French programme. These programmes normally commence at grade 10.

Traditionally, a GRAMMAR-TRANSLATION approach has been used in the teaching of second languages in Canada, followed by an AUDIOLINGUAL one. However, since the 1970s, languages have been taught increasingly by a COMMUNICATIVE approach. The success of the French immersion model has had considerable influence in promoting COMMUNICATIVE LANGUAGE TEACHING in the core programme. The National Core French Study, initiated by STERN and undertaken from 1985 to 1990, gave support to this type of methodology. It proposed the adoption of a multidimensional curriculum for core French based on four components: linguistic, communicative/ experiential, cultural and general language education. TEXTBOOKS for the teaching of second languages in Canada tend to conform to this general framework.

Teacher certification is a provincial responsibility, and each province has its own TEACHER EDUCATION programmes at university level. Language teaching qualifications vary, and teachers must obtain certification from the province where they seek employment.

Research in second language teaching in Canada is world-renowned. The French immersion phenomenon is the most researched of second language teaching alternatives. Theories such as the output hypothesis and the interdependence of languages, as well as theories on the importance of intensity, the components of communicative competence, the negotiation of form and the role of error correction, have been developed at Canadian universities.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-28 13:36:37 | 显示全部楼层
Central and Eastern Europe

The construction and, since the collapse of communism in the late 1980s, reconstruction of ‘Central and Eastern Europe’ (CEE) have important implications for foreign language education. The placement of some states into this area is geographically dubious—Prague, for example, is further west than Vienna (Eisenberg and Trapp, 1996)—therefore political as well as linguistic dimensions have to be considered.

The origins of the former communist ‘bloc’ lie in shared history as well as similarities in languages. After 1945, what was known as Eastern Europe, a largely political construction, represented the opposite of the West. From diverse geographical and cultural identities a common political one was to be forged, with clear implications for language education. Russian became the LINGUA FRANCA intended to emphasise a shared linguistic heritage as well as to promote unity. This policy was, however, embraced more enthusiastically by some states than others. In ‘pariah’ states such as Yugoslavia, Russian was never a compulsory school subject (Enyedi and Medgyes, 1998:3). Bulgaria was relatively much closer to Russia than was the rest of CEE but established, during the communist era, middle schools where the emphasis was on Western language learning. Their selectivity meant that pupils were initially well placed after the fall of communism.

Internal linguistic variations may be masked if we consider all CEE states as a bloc, and ethnic minority languages need to be added to the equation. Language education may imply the dominant or official language of any given state being taught with BILINGUALISM and multilingualism features of many places. There have always been diversities amongst the original nine ‘Eastern bloc’ countries. Enyedi and Medgyes contest the policy of viewing countries in this region as ‘lookalikes’, and relate political changes to shifts in foreign language education (Enyedi and Medgyes, 1998:1). Hall (1995) described how little Westerners knew about Eastern Europe before the fall of communism. ‘In our stereotyped vision it was a single area of totalitarianism, industrial pollution, food queues, strong liquor, and people who won all the medals at international sporting events’ (1995:49). There were common trends but also divergences in language education linked to political and economic as well as cultural factors.

CEE has changed considerably since 1989. The original number of CEE states has ‘more than doubled’ since the ‘cataclysm of 1989–90’ (Enyedi and Medgyes, 1998:1). The Baltic states were also formerly Soviet-dominated, and exhibited similar language teaching and learning trends as they passed into ‘post-communism’. The general shift from Russian to ENGLISH and other Western languages involved the drastic reduction in the status of Russian. English moved ‘from a low-bordering-on-subversive-status language to one whose popularity is matched only by that of GERMAN’ (Gill, 1995:66). The new demands entailed a multitude of requirements, from providing basic MATERIALS such as TEXTBOOKS, to adequate facilities, new curricula and examinations, together with teachers and trainers equipped with appropriate knowledge and skills. These were hard to meet all at once.

Many teachers of Russian, finding themselves unemployed, were targeted for retraining. Programmes were launched in many states with varying degrees of success. Participants ‘were an unhappy lot’ (Enyedi and Medgyes, 1998:6), faced with the need to learn another language and new methods mid-career whilst still working full-time. The success of these schemes, such as in Slovakia, was ‘at best limited’ (Gill, 1995:67).

The retraining of Russian teachers declined in the second half of the 1990s. In Poland in 1992, 42.9 per cent of language teachers were teaching Russian, but this fell to 31.2 per cent in 1994. The figures for English rose from 27.3 to 36.2 per cent in the same period: ‘in 1994 the number of English teachers surpassed, for the first time, the number of Russian teachers’ (Bogucka, 1995:46). For German, the increase was from 22.8 to 25.8 per cent. As in other former CEE states, Russian used to be compulsory at primary and secondary schools, but there emerged an ‘unprecedented demand for English and German’ (Bogucka, 1995:46).

Early shifts of direction were supplemented by further training courses to accompany the rapid expansion of foreign language teaching. ‘Fast-track’ degrees, where students study pedagogy alongside supervised practical teaching experience, were devised (Gill, 1995:67). The number and variety of pre- and in-service courses also grew. Accompanying this was the spread of teacher and teacher trainer networks which assisted training and offered support to those in the profession.

In many countries the progress was impressive, but often demand, especially for English, out-stripped the supply of courses and teachers. Private language schools were established by local and foreign organisations that met some of the additional NEEDS. This sector was diverse, with differing standards across the region, but there was a degree of cooperation between the different providers. Fee-paying schools established in the 1990s could only expand as far as local economies could allow and some could not support a large private sector, having insufficient well-off people to use it. Cheaper options of non-state provision also sprang up. It is generally accepted that foreign-language students offer private tuition as a way of supplementing their own incomes and stipends.
Developments were assisted by organisations such as the BRITISH COUNCIL, GOETHE-INSITITUT and the Institut Fran鏰is, as well as by EU-sponsored schemes. American organisations have a presence, with the Peace Corps, for example, sending young people to teach English. International assistance was linked to the nurturing of democracy in the former communist states. They provided materials, textbooks, low-priced books, and personnel at all levels from primary level to university. They also assisted with standards and accreditation in state and private sectors. The British Council during the 1980s and 1990s provided teacher as well as student education, supported various English Language Teaching projects, and set up nearly fifty Resource Centres ‘from Tallinn to Tirana providing access to 30,000 teachers per year’ (Marsden, 1994:3).

Language SYLLABUSES were changed because, under communism, these had been fairly rigid and included political as well as linguistic objectives. The same was true for examinations. Oral examinations predominated, with an emphasis on rote learning. This began to change as links were made between new syllabuses, teaching methodologies and materials. In some places, however, old textbooks were retained because of lack of funds as well as inertia and conservatism.
Language conferences became a feature of the changing context, with local branches of international organisations such as IATEFL established. The production and distribution of language journals also increased, with local personnel producing their own. Newsletters were set up to further language teaching projects. EXCHANGE schemes with Western schools and colleges have also become increasingly popular.

All these developments, from the Baltic states to Albania, helped to raise the profile of language teaching, but still it retains low status and poor salaries. The transition from communism towards market economies has highlighted other areas of work, and financial uncertainties in the 1990s caused localised crises in education. People with language skills moved into private companies or went abroad. Just as Russian used to be a passport to a good job, a Western language became the post-communist equivalent. Bogucka noted that, in Poland, the majority of graduates in the early 1990s took positions at private language schools or in business (1995:46).
The economic lead of some CEE countries is reflected in language provision as well as in links to the European Union, with some states in advance of others. English, French and German may be more common in the ‘advanced’ group. Growing gaps may be narrowed to some extent by international funding, training and materials, but the poorer countries are losing some of those best equipped to teach the next generation of language learners.

There will also be increased use of new technology as ‘the role of computers in language instruction has now become an important issue confronting large numbers of language teachers throughout the world’ (Warschauer and Healey, 1998:57), with greater exploitation of computer assisted language learning (CALL). Other aspects of technology are already evident and the use of the INTERNET and on-line learning are certain to be expanded. Once again this will be determined by economic infrastructures. Relatively impoverished CEE states already struggling to supply basic textbooks will be disadvantaged. A two-tier system may be emerging, with the relatively more advanced countries like Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary making greater progress.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-29 13:18:02 | 显示全部楼层
China

Since the birth of New China in 1949, the development of foreign language teaching can be divided into four periods. The first (1949–56) was one of full-scale extension of Russian education; the second (1957–65) was one of considerable expansion of English and other foreign language education; the third (1966–76) was a silent period in which foreign language teaching substantially ceased; the fourth (1978–present) is witnessing a full-scale, rapid and normal development of foreign language teaching.

1949–56
New China’s recovery and development of economic construction urged the Chinese government and people to learn from the USSR. The first and foremost need was to teach people Russian. From 1952 on, seven Russian institutes, and Russian departments or sections in seventeen comprehensive universities and nineteen normal universities, were established. Russian courses were taught in most of the middle or secondary schools and some primary schools; and Russian colleges came into existence even in the Army.

An effort over nearly ten years saw the drawing-up of a Russian teaching programme, the compilation of Russian TEXTBOOKS, and extensive teacher recruitment and training, including some at postgraduate level. By the end of 1956, there were almost 2,000 teachers of Russian, and 13,000 graduates majoring in Russian.

Rapid development of Russian education, however, resulted in a surplus of Russian learners, which triggered reformation and regulation of foreign language teaching. Measures were taken to alter the teaching system, mobilise students to learn other foreign languages, and reduce the enrolment of students of Russian. By 1957, Russian education began to shrink in scale.

While great importance was thus attached to Russian, other foreign languages were largely ignored. This is because, first, most of the Western countries did not then establish diplomatic relations with China, while China’s communication with Asian, African and Latin American countries was limited. Second, the authorities then responsible for education failed to have a long-term programme and comprehensive view of foreign languages education.

China’s participation in the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, Indonesia, symbolised a new page of China’s diplomatic history. China began to have more and more communication with Third World countries, so there arose an increasing demand for people skilled in Asian and African languages. By 1956, English departments or sections had been set up in 23 universities, institutes or colleges, with even five French sections and four German sections having emerged.

1957–65
In 1959 the ‘Great Education Revolution’ was initiated. The guiding principle was that ‘Education should serve proletarian politics and be combined with productive labour’, and its aim was to change old educational thought, systems, methodology, etc. However, due to over-emphasis on politics, the textbooks, full of translated articles about politics but lacking lessons in the original, led to unidiomatic foreign language apprehension. Furthermore, due to over-emphasising cooperation between teachers and students in compilation, the teachers’ expertise was not given full play. Theories of foreign language teaching were ignored. However, the central government realised these problems and, in 1961, a programme was drafted for the selection and compilation of liberal-arts textbooks for universities. A very popular, widely used English textbook was compiled by Xu Guozhang, and, at the same time, textbooks of other foreign languages were also published.

Following Premier Zhou Enlai’s instructions, the Ministry of Education drafted the Seven-Year Programme of Foreign Languages Education in 1964. Four principles were defined: emphasising foreign language teaching for professional and general purposes; juxtaposing formal with informal foreign language education; defining English as the first foreign language and readjusting the allocation of hours for foreign language teaching in colleges; attaching special importance to the quality of foreign language education. These principles were not actually carried out, due to the so-called Great Cultural Revolution (GCR), but achievements in foreign language teaching were obvious. The number of foreign language departments or sections in higher or tertiary institutions increased to 78, more than double that of 1956. Foreign language students were up to 40,000, and altogether forty-two foreign languages were taught, which was four times the number in 1949.

1966–76
The GCR was disastrous for China’s foreign language teaching, which actually stagnated. In the early 1970s, however, many countries established diplomatic relations with China, China won back its right to a seat in the UN, and US President Nixon visited China. The new international situation increased China’s need for more and more specialists understanding foreign languages. Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and other leaders of the People’s Republic showed particular concern for foreign language teaching. Thus, after 1971, recruitment to some universities and colleges recovered; some offered new foreign languages. Nevertheless the interference of the notorious ‘Gang of Four’ retarded the progress of foreign language teaching.

After 1978
From 1978 to the present day, the policies of reformation and opening to foreign countries led China into international communication of unprecedented range and depth. Foreign language teaching has become full of vigour and vitality. In 1978, for the first time after the GCR, the Ministry of Education held a symposium to discuss overall PLANNING FOR FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHING. The delegates passed a resolution entitled ‘A few remarks on strengthening foreign language teaching’, which claimed: ‘The high level of foreign language education is not only an important component for promoting the scientific and cultural standard of the whole Chinese nation, but also a necessary precondition of being an advanced country and race.’ This understanding helped push foreign language teaching forward, raising as a whole its quality and standard, as shown by:
1 Raising the structural and professional level of the foreign language teaching contingent by improving their practical skills and sending teachers and students to STUDY ABROAD.
2 Strengthening communication with domestic and international foreign language teaching communities; sending scholars to attend domestic or international conferences on foreign language teaching; inviting foreign language teaching specialists from abroad to give lectures; encouraging schools to establish friendly intercollegiate relations with their counterparts or schools of similar nature abroad.
3 Combining foreign languages learning with politics, economics, and other background knowledge of the corresponding nations, thus improving foreign language teaching itself and widening learners’ knowledge scope.
4 Enhancing the construction of foreign language teaching MATERIALS and modern teaching devices, improving the conditions and environment for foreign language teaching.
In the following twenty years, the scale of China’s foreign language teaching expanded further. By the end of the 1980s, there were twelve foreign language institutes or universities (FLU), seven other related institutes or universities, and thirty comprehensive universities with foreign language departments or schools. The number of teachers in the FLUs alone was more than 13,000, and the number of students 35,000. By the mid-1990s, more than forty foreign languages were offered by FLUs of various types and levels.

The remarkable achievements in foreign language teaching during this period are also evident in other aspects:
• Scientific research developed. Teachers and researchers now take an active part in foreign language teaching research. Many monographs and papers on foreign language teaching have been published, covering a large range of subjects, including the developing strategies, principles, policies and system of China’s foreign language teaching, methodology, subjects, etc.
• Symposiums have been sponsored and organised to discuss foreign language teaching in China. For instance, a symposium on Applied Linguistics and English teaching was sponsored
in Guangzhou in 1980, the first of such seminars since the birth of New China; the First and Second International Symposiums on foreign language teaching in China were held successively in Guangzhou in 1985 and in Tianjin in 1992; the First Conference of the China Association of Foreign Languages Audio-visual Education was organised in Beijing in 1985.
• All types of teaching programmes are offered, and textbooks of various languages compiled. The programmes offered include the ‘First-stage Teaching Programme of College English Major’; the ‘First-stage and Advanced-Stage Teaching Programme of College German Major’; and First-stage Teaching Programmes of Russian, Japanese, French, ARABIC, etc. More than 200 types of textbook have been published, which absorbed the merits and experience of traditional teaching material both at home and abroad. Advanced and professional textbooks prevail in cities. Textbooks of LINGUISTICS and literature have also become widely available.
• Testing devices have been utilised and perfected. A nationwide general purpose college English test has been conducted twice a year from 1987. Examinees have amounted to 800,000 each year in recent years.
• Modern technology is applied extensively. Language laboratories and AUDIO-VISUAL equipment have been installed in almost all tertiary institutions and most secondary schools. The application of computers in foreign language teaching is no longer limited to data retrieval and language testing, but rather it has been extended throughout the whole teaching process. In some universities, there are software libraries of considerable scale.

From the mid-1980s on, there has been a new tendency in the reformation of foreign language teaching, embodied in:
• A new rational structure of foreign language majors has been designed, in which foreign languages are combined with a variety of academic subjects so as to satisfy the domestic demand for new types of specialist.
• A multi-level school system and competitive mechanisms have been introduced into education management systems.
• Inter-school and inter-departmental cooperation makes it possible for the FLUs to make use of non-language specialists to train students with professional knowledge, and give impetus to remould old specialities and develop new, practical specialities.

Nevertheless, some problems have arisen with the progress of foreign language teaching in China. It is developing too rapidly, and lacks overall long-term planning, and current foreign language teaching cannot yet satisfy the all-round development of the society. In addition there is a shortage of funds. The teaching staff are ageing and many middle-aged, while young teachers are leaving the teaching force.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-7-29 13:20:23 | 显示全部楼层
Chinese

Chinese is believed to belong to the Sino-Tibetan language family. It is the language spoken by the majority of the Chinese population, who are known as the Hans. Chinese is therefore also referred to, especially by the Chinese themselves, as Hanyu, ‘the language of the Hans’. Hanyu, spoken presently by over a billion NATIVE SPEAKERS in a vast country covering an area of nearly 3,700,000 square miles, has a history of at least 4,500 years.

The language
Chinese has gradually developed from its prototypical form into today’s eight major dialects: the northern, central, and western parts of the country are dominated by the dialect known in the Western world as Mandarin (a word originally used to refer to the Manchu officials of the Qing Dynasty and their officialese), and in the south-eastern regions of the country one encounters the other dialects—generally speaking, Wu in Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces, Gan in Jiangxi, Xiang in Hunan, Northern and Southern Min in Fujian, Hakka (i.e. Kejia) in the north-east of Guangdong, and Cantonese (i.e. Yue) in Guangzhou and Hong Kong.

The principal differences between these eight dialects (each of which may, of course, be further divided into subdialects or local accents) lie in pronunciation and everyday VOCABULARY, which makes oral communication extremely difficult or sometimes impossible. Mandarin, for example, has only four tones, and two consonantal endings -n and -ng. Cantonese, on the other hand, may employ more than six tones, with consonantal endings like -m, -p, -t, -k, in addition to -n and -ng; and young speakers of Cantonese simply do not differentiate between initials n- and 1- (for them, if they are not careful when they speak ENGLISH, ‘nice’ will always be ‘lice’). The use of different vocabulary also presents difficulty in mutual understanding: for a Mandarin speaker, a fridge is bingxiang (literally ‘ice-box’), while for a Cantonese speaker from Guangzhou or Hong Kong, where in fact snow never falls, it is xutguai (literally ‘snow-cabinet’). However, despite such phonological and lexical differences, these dialects miraculously keep to a uniform script (e.g. rén ‘person’, kǒu ‘mouth’, etc., each being a combination of strokes confined to a squarish writing space and based on a monosyllable in speech), follow a similar disyllabification tendency in word-formation (e.g. rénkǒu ‘population’, guójiā ‘country’, etc.) to offset endless homophonic clashes inherent in monosyllables, and adopt more or less the same grammatical rules (e.g. wǒ ài tā ‘I love him’ as opposed to tā ài wǒ ‘he loves me’) with comparable word order and few morphological features. It sounds almost legendary to say that, wherever immediate oral transmission fails, writing (either on paper with a pen or on the palm of one’s hand with a finger) has always come in to rescue the situation and effect communication among the literate.

Nevertheless, to find a more permanent solution to such communication problems between different dialect speakers, endeavours have been made to unify the country’s speech (as the first emperor of CHINA did to the country’s writing over 2,000 years ago). In 1958 the Chinese government promulgated a new system of romanisation called pinyin, based on the version of Mandarin spoken in the Beijing area, and people all over the country were encouraged to learn to speak this standard dialect which is nationally referred to as Putonghua ‘the common language’. Putonghua is variously called Mandarin in the West, guoyu ‘national language’ in Taiwan, and huayu ‘the Chinese language’ in Singapore. With its standardised pronunciation regulated in pinyin and essential grammatical features and conventions derived from LITERARY TEXTS of the twentieth century after the 1919 intellectual movement, putonghua is what is now commonly known as Modern Standard Chinese. It is one of the official languages of the United Nations and the principal form of Chinese taught or learned outside China. However, Cantonese, for historical reasons, is still very much the LINGUA FRANCA of Chinese-speaking communities in Europe and elsewhere in the world. Cantonese, as mentioned earlier, shares a similar script and writing practice with Mandarin. None the less, it is not surprising to find writings in the vernacular carried in popular journals and tabloids in Hong Kong, using ad hoc or established coinages of written characters representing part of the spoken dialect not found in the shared tradition.

The study of Chinese as a Foreign Language The earliest recorded contact with China made by Westerners seems to start with Marco Polo, a Venetian merchant and traveller in the late thirteenth century, but the account of his experience in China served as no more than an eye-opener at the time. What really brought Europe to an intimate knowledge of Chinese thought and society were the seventeenth and early eighteenth century writings of Jesuit missionaries, such as Matteo Ricci, Adam Schall von Bell and Ferdinand Verbiest. Most of them, despite their sometimes difficult lives in China, were one-time favourites of Chinese emperors and held important offices. Though Jesuit and other Catholic missionaries travelled to China from virtually every part of Europe (including Russia), it was the French missionaries who, under the auspices of Louis XIV, collectively laid the foundation for sinological studies in the West.

However, the major breakthrough in the demand for learning Chinese had to wait till the latter half of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century, when the Industrial Revolution with its rapid advances in commercial production and scientific knowledge pushed Britain to the fore. All at once China found herself confronted not only by missionaries (now Protestant as well as Catholic) but also by merchants and traders from the West, first from Iberian countries and Holland and then from Britain, particularly through the East India Company. In this unprecedented period of imperialist expansion, diplomats were seen to follow in the footsteps of missionaries and traders and the Portuguese and the British were soon followed by the French, the Germans, the Americans and the Russians, vying for a foothold in China in order to exploit and divide up its vast potential market. Necessity certainly infused MOTIVATION into all branches of learning. By the time of the two Opium Wars, serious attempts were already being made to establish the discipline of sinology in Europe and America, as a better understanding of China was important in coercing her to open her closed doors. All over Europe and America, colleges and universities set up Chinese courses and, at the same time, appointed professors to teach them. In 1876, both America and Britain set up university chairs of Chinese, with Samuel Wells Williams at Yale and James Legge at Oxford, while similar appointments were being made at Paris, Leiden, Munich and Berlin from the 1830s onwards. On the other hand, many missionary- or diplomatturned-scholars like Robert Morrison (who translated the Bible into Chinese), James Legge (who translated Confucian classics into English), and Thomas Wade and Herbert Giles (who invented the Wade-Giles system of Chinese romanisation) were beginning to make their names known to the rest of the world in the field of sinology. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, sinology with its emphasis on the study of Chinese classics was a well-accepted discipline in the West.

It was, however, at the turn of the twentieth century, particularly during the years leading up to and following World War Two, that the study of Chinese saw its greatest advance in Europe and America, as the emerging political situation compelled these countries to see the need for training not only missionaries, INTERPRETERS for trade missions, diplomats, public servants and academics, but also large numbers of military personnel, and for orientating the study of Chinese towards more immediate and contemporary goals. As a result, text-based and classics-oriented sinology metamorphosed into or, to be more exact, gave way to so-called Modern Chinese Studies, with its emphasis on area studies relating to China as well as on the Chinese language itself. Very soon, motivated by these new orientations, America took over the lead from Europe.

With China gradually throwing open its doors to the rest of the world, the study of the Chinese language and disciplines related to China is gaining greater momentum, not only in Europe and America but also in AUSTRALIA and JAPAN. Japan has actually produced many distinguished sinologists, and boasts the best Chinese library holdings outside China. At present, the world is readier than ever to pursue the study of Chinese, and the Association of Asian Studies is an important umbrella organisation for Chinese and Asian Studies while the Association of Chinese Language Teachers likewise sponsors annual academic EXCHANGES among college and university teachers from America and publishes in its official journal contributions from its members. To add to the global effort for Chinese Studies, the International Society for Chinese Language Teaching was set up in Beijing in 1987 through Chinese initiative. The Society, which has committee members from countries all over the world where Chinese is taught, organises a conference to discuss Chinese language teaching every three years in Beijing (or elsewhere in the world, as the latest Committee suggested) and publishes a quarterly journal called Chinese teaching in the world. In 1989, HSK (Hanyu Shuiping Kaoshi—Chinese Standard Examinations) was established by China’s Leading Group for the Teaching of Chinese to Non-Native Speakers. HSK assesses different levels of achievement in Chinese and is for learners who are non-native speakers of the language.

Throughout the twentieth century, numerous DICTIONARIES and TEXTBOOKS have been produced by Western scholars to help students of Chinese master the language. The way these textbooks were written or compiled clearly reflects the pedagogical stance of their authors. The textbooks compiled by those who had themselves originally been missionaries and diplomats in China had two characteristics which stood out. First, they mostly seem to cater for the practical NEEDS of the would-be student, a potential diplomat or merchant who would want to be able to read official documents, civil contracts, or even shop signs so as to enable him to get around during his stay in China, and who would also want to be able to engage in everyday dialogue with his Chinese associates. Second, these textbooks, readers and GRAMMARS have an ample provision of READING passages or illustrative sentences, invariably with corresponding English translations, which, according to some of the authors, if learned by heart with their meaning fully understood, were supposed to save the student time and help him to think in ready-made idioms and quotations and thus achieve fluency in the language.

In contrast, the textbooks compiled by more academically-minded authors, who advocate more in-depth study of the language and its culture, insist on the reading of classics and good modern or contemporary literature and a thorough appreciation of the workings of the language.

The two different orientations have persisted till this day, and the future seems to be more of a compromise than a split. With the advent of computer facilities and more sophisticated aids to learning, methodology is bound to change in the new millennium. Given the increasing involvement of Chinese nationals in Chinese Studies at universities throughout the world, there is little chance that teaching and learning Chinese will prove to be an exception.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-2 10:16:50 | 显示全部楼层
Civilisation

The concept of the French word civilisation has its roots in a discourse and ideology of colonialism. Its connotations include a sense of cultural superiority and its use in language teaching reflects the intention to convey a largely positive image of French culture and society to an external audience. It has survived to the beginning of the twenty-first century, however, as a term that is commonly used and readily understood in the context of teaching and learning FRENCH as a Foreign Language. The word is used to describe that part of a language course that includes sociocultural knowledge to complement and give context to the linguistic content. This opposition and complementarity is exemplified in the title of Mauger’s bestselling Cours de langue et de civilisation fran鏰ises, written in the 1950s but still being reprinted in the 1980s.

Two points are particularly significant. First, the development of the teaching of civilisation is linked institutionally with the ALLIANCE FRAN茿ISE. Second, there are difficulties in conceptualising the term adequately and in finding an appropriate pedagogy. Together these help to explain why the term has been gradually replaced since the 1980s by concepts incorporating the word ‘culture’ such as CULTURAL STUDIES, cultural anthropology and INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION. Galisson and Coste (1988) give three definitions of civilisation, namely:
• the act of civilising;
• the characteristics of civilised societies;
• the characteristic features of a given society.

The first of these refers to the colonial ideology, based on a hierarchy of cultures, whereby the colonising power embarked on a mission to bring less developed cultures into modernity through imposing new institutional structures, including schools. The second definition, whilst potentially referring to any society, in fact is likely in a French context to take FRANCE as the model. French Republican values are considered by their proponents to be universal as well as national. Civilisation therefore has connotations of Frenchness.

The third definition is the one most closely associated with language teaching. Whereas education in general can be seen as a civilising process, and an understanding of the nature of civilisation is likely to be acquired through the study of history and the humanities, language learners need a knowledge of a range of cultural references in order to have a full understanding of texts in the target language. In this sense, civilisation can also be applied to the features of societies whose languages are studied by French learners, as in civilisation britannique.

The Alliance fran鏰ise was set up in 1884 to spread the use of the French language in the colonies and elsewhere overseas. The Alliance continues to recruit and train teachers to run classes or provide tuition, and it organises conferences and supports the production of teaching material. It thus has a strong institutional position in the teaching of French as a Foreign Language and has been influential in helping to define the cultural content of language courses. There is in fact a continuous link between language teaching from the colonial era to the present day, the unifying thread of which is the presentation of French civilisation in a broadly positive, uncritical light. For many years and in many places one of the main vehicles for the promotion of French was the Cours de langue et de civilisation fran鏰ises (Mauger, 1953), which combines the teaching of French GRAMMAR with a storyline based on a foreign family visiting France and discovering its everyday life and institutions.

Mauger, in his preface, situates the work as a contribution to the Alliance fran鏰ise (de Carlo, 1998:27).

The France portrayed by Mauger is a single social entity, with a single, neutral or standard form of expression. French civilisation is presented as if it were the culmination of the Jules Ferry educational reforms of the 1870s, namely as a single nation with a single language. Regional and social variations are invisible. The institutions and monuments presented in the Cours de langue et de civilisation fran鏰ises are largely located in Paris and chosen to prepare students for an encounter with LITERARY TEXTS in the fourth volume. Thus one persistent tradition within French civilisation, strongly challenged since the advent of communicative methodology, was a monolithic view of language, culture and society aligned with a nation and a state.

Technical developments in sound recording and the availability of photographic images for classroom use led to the development of AUDIO-VISUAL courses, initially, as in Voix et images de France (produced in 1960 by CR蒁IF) still based on a specially written STANDARD LANGUAGE. The course content is dominated by linguistic necessities rather than by a real desire to transmit cultural knowledge. By the time of C’est le printemps (produced in 1976 by CLE), course writers had introduced a wider spectrum of characters and situations as well as a functional rather than grammatical SYLLABUS. However, further technical advances, together with the development of educational television and video and the availability of photocopying, enabled teachers to have access to a greater range of representations of France and the French language. The move to COMMUNICATIVE LANGUAGE TEACHING, with its stress on AUTHENTIC materials, paved the way for a reconsideration of what might be considered to be civilisation.

Whereas language learning in the tradition of the Alliance fran鏰ise aimed to initiate learners into a high and very literary culture, from the 1960s the purposes were increasingly instrumental and to do with tourism and commerce. Alongside high culture, courses started to contain elements of popular culture which widened the definition of civilisation. One reason for this is that communicative language teaching requires learners to respond and react, and so texts are chosen with this in mind. Another is that universal access to SECONDARY EDUCATION and foreign languages was thought to necessitate engaging with learners at their level, rather than inducting them directly into a high culture which might be doubly alienating as foreign and socially unfamiliar.

During the 1980s civilisation was the term for teaching about French and francophone culture in French as a Foreign Language (FLE) courses in France. The field developed rapidly, together with specialist teachers, conferences and journals.

Whereas coherent methodologies for teaching language have been developed following theoretical and empirical research on language ACQUISITION, no single approach to teaching civilisation has emerged. Beacco (1996) and Chalan鏾n (1996) describe teachers lecturing to classes, enlivening them with personal anecdotes or, in an attempt to promote discussion, introducing themes around which there is public or media interest and often political controversy; these might include youth culture (including drugs), the development of multicultural societies, unemployment, the media. Given that the emphasis within foreign language classes has tended to be primarily on the linguistic potential of a stimulus document, students are likely to be asked comprehension questions in the foreign language or to translate or to summarise part of the text, however controversial the topic. There may be discussion, but this is likely to be constrained by the learners’ linguistic competence and thus may not lead to an improved understanding of the topic. STEREOTYPES and unsustainable generalisations may even be reinforced during this process.

Two developments within the field of language learning have provided a framework for the development of a pedagogy able to integrate civilisation into a unified programme of language-and-culture teaching (Byram et al., 1994). The first is a concern for AUTONOMOUS LEARNING, which emphasises investigation and research or savoir-faire. Students may learn to decode implicit assumptions in language material. The second is intercultural education, which uses insights from CULTURAL STUDIES and ANTHROPOLOGY and stresses a reflexive process involving making comparisons between cultural forms in an attempt to achieve a non-ethnocentric perspective. Le Berre (1998) maintains that the term civilisation was replaced in the 1980s by anthropologie culturelle. This may involve objectivation, constructing provisional knowledge through observing difference and oppositions, and contextualisation.

By the end of the twentieth century, the colonial connotations of civilisation, together with the development of increasingly multicultural nation-states and the lowering of national boundaries, made it a term that was used sparingly as language teachers increasingly saw their mission as teaching language and cultures rather than a single culture.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-2 10:18:33 | 显示全部楼层
Classroom language

Classroom language refers to teachers’ and learners’ verbal behaviour in L2 classrooms. Language in this context is both the means for and the goal of instruction. Classroom language tends to be modified in form and function compared to language used in interactions between NATIVE SPEAKERS and non-native speakers outside the classroom.

Development of studies of classroom language
Early studies of classroom language were conducted by means of interaction analysis. Based on this approach, CLASSROOM OBSERVATION SCHEMES were employed to record and quantify participants’ verbal behaviour in predetermined sets of categories (see, e.g., Moskowitz, 1971). Although observation schemes have become quite sophisticated over their years of implementation, they still reduce complex interactions to rigid categories and fail to fully account for the co-constructions accomplished by conversational interactants.

Initially, studies on classroom language were mainly concerned with describing TEACHER TALK (see Allwright and Bailey, 1991). An increasing interest in the role of comprehensible input (Krashen, 1981), interaction (Long, 1983) and the production of comprehensible output (Swain, 1985) for successful second language ACQUISITION led researchers to take into account the interactional contributions of all classroom participants. Ethnographic (e.g. van Lier, 1988) and discourse analytic studies (e.g. Ellis, 1984; see also Long, 1980, for a discussion of methodological issues) have sought to provide more elaborate descriptions of classroom language based on observations and the analysis of transcripts of verbal interactions between learners and teachers

The special nature of classroom language
Kasper (1986), in the introduction to her book, stresses that the classroom environment entails a particular set of participant rights and obligations, as well as role relationships. Numerous studies have investigated the differences between language use in the classroom and language use in naturalistic conversations among native and non-native speakers. Some have commented on the range of conversational moves teachers and students perform, such as asking questions, responding, or requesting (e.g. Long and Sato, 1983; Ellis, 1997). Others have investigated turn-taking procedures as well as openings and closings of conversational interactions (e.g. L鰏cher, 1986; van Lier, 1988). Work describing turn-taking procedures in language classrooms is heavily based on studies completed in the field of ethnomethodology (Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson, 1974). These studies explored turn-taking in naturalistic conversations and thus provided a baseline of comparison for analyses of talk in other contexts.

Discourse analytic studies of classroom interactions in general identified a specific sequence of moves to be basic to most teacher-fronted classroom contexts (Sinclair and Coulthard, 1975): Initiation (teacher)—Response (student)—Feedback (teacher), known as IRE This structure was found to apply to the language classroom as well, with the possible addition of another response move by the student (IRF-R), such as for instance the repetition of the teacher’s feedback (McTear, 1975). As Ellis states: ‘Although IRF(R) exchanges tend to dominate [in the classroom], other kinds can be found’ (1994:575). Several approaches have aimed at providing more detailed descriptions of patterns of language use and interaction in the classroom. Ellis (1984), for example, proposes to identify the ‘goal’, i.e. the purpose, of an interaction, as well as the ‘address’, i.e. the interlocutor. Van Lier suggests identifying the relative amount of control which teachers hold over both topic (i.e., ‘what the talk is about’, 1988:149) and type of activity (i.e., ‘what is being done and how it is done’, 1988:149). Whether focusing on goals and address or on topic and activity, both Ellis (1984) and van Lier (1988) aim at analysing how language in the classroom is used, when, and by whom.

Related factors
A number of studies have explored the relationship between classroom organisation and teachers’ as well as learners’ use of language. In particular, they compared teacher-fronted and group activities in terms of participant contributions and negotiated modifications of the input, such as clarification requests, comprehension checks, or rephrasings (Pica and Doughty, 1985; House, 1986). Pica and Doughty (1985) also suggest that, in addition to group structure, the nature of the task will influence the negotiation work which can be observed in the classroom. In the context of their study, they stipulate that the kinds of information exchange required among participants influences their use of language.

Some researchers have also studied classroom discourse based on a sociocultural framework. Antón (1999), for instance, explored how teachers within learner-centred classrooms used language to foster in learners the responsibility for their own learning. Language use from a sociocultural perspective is considered an important tool for learners’ cognitive development.

A small number of studies have targeted still other aspects of language use, such as the role of cultural background (e.g. Sato, 1982), as well as learners’ socialisation of discourse competence in language classrooms (Duff, 1995; 1996). Findings are difficult to generalise due to the different approaches used as well as the different groups studied. Despite these differences, most researchers seem to assign a central role to linguistic production and interaction for classroom second language acquisition, although the exact relationship between learners’ use of language or interaction and actual language acquisition remains unclear (see, e.g., Gass and Varonis, 1994; Long, 1996).
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-3 12:33:19 | 显示全部楼层
Classroom observation schemes

A classroom observation scheme is an instrument for recording aspects of teaching and learning events in the classroom. Observation schemes generally consist of a number of specific categories, and are employed in TEACHER EDUCATION/development as well as for research purposes.

Development
Classroom observation schemes or schedules (Allwright, 1988) started to gain acceptance in research on language learning in the mid-1960s. Researchers at the time were particularly interested in identifying the method most effective for language teaching. Based on their findings, they intended to prescribe to teachers the principal elements of good teaching. The main focus of these early observation schemes was on the language teachers’ behaviour. Over the years, and with a change in research emphases and questions asked, the design of observation schemes has changed to include aspects of learner behaviours and learning processes.

One of the first observation schemes applied to language teaching was Flanders’s (1970) ‘Interaction Analysis’. This instrument consisted of ten categories (accepts feeling, praises or encourages, accepts or uses ideas of student, asks questions, lecturing, giving directions, criticising or justifying authority, student talk-response, student talkinitiation, and silence or confusion), and was originally developed for CLASSROOM RESEARCH in general. Moskowitz (1971) further modified Flanders’s categorisation to fit the context of the language classroom. Her instrument, termed ‘FLint’ (Foreign Language interaction), was intended for use in research as well as in teacher development. Beyond designing a tool for teacher trainers, Moskowitz was also interested in providing the teachers themselves with a tool to observe and reflect on their own teaching. Another frequently cited observation scheme is FOCUS (Foci for Observing Communications Used in Settings), developed by Fanselow (1977) in the mid-1970s. Since Fanselow intended the scheme’s application to go beyond the immediate language teaching context, FOCUS did not include separate categories for teacher and learner behaviour. Rather, it consisted of five general categories (source, medium, use, content and pedagogical purpose of a move) which could be adapted to a variety of settings and participants.

Issues of objectivity and reliability
Since they were first introduced in classroom research, observation schemes have become quite sophisticated (Nunan, 1992). One example of such a well developed and complex scheme is COLT (Allwright, Fr鰄lich and Spada, 1984; Spada and Fr鰄lich, 1995), an instrument intended to rate classroom activities on their communicative potential. COLT consists of two parts, the first of which is designed to record information on activity type and content, participant organisation, SKILLS involved, and MATERIALS required. The second part, part B, addresses the communicative features (e.g. use of the target language, discourse initiation, etc.) employed by classroom participants.

Despite the growing sophistication of observation instruments, their respective degree of objectivity and reliability is still at issue. Allwright and Bailey state that ‘the value of an observational schedule depends directly and exclusively on the reliability and VALIDITY of its categories’ (1991:13). As Chaudron (1988) claims, the reliability of most instruments has not been sufficiently proved (see also Allwright and Bailey, 1991). Since researchers tend to develop their own instruments rather than use pre-existing ones, and since they frequently use different categories to record similar aspects of behaviour, instruments as well as findings are hard to compare. Items assessing similar aspects also frequently differ on the degree of inference (see Long 1980) required for their rating. Furthermore, as Nunan (1992) claims, researchers will always be informed by specific theories on language learning as well as on research. Nunan states that ‘there is no such thing as “objective” observation…what we see will be determined, at least in part, by what we expect to see’ (1994:98). Observation schemes, from this point of view, then, are bound to be subjective. Another point of criticism addresses the kind of rigid classification which observation schemes demand. Classroom situations contain complex events which might not be accounted for in a prefabricated list of categories. Comparing a selection of observation schemes, Chaudron states that ‘no one scheme in fact includes all the potentially relevant dimensions of information about classroom interaction’ (1988:21). Researchers might therefore miss events crucial to the research question but not encoded in the scheme.

While there is considerable debate on the objectivity and reliability of observation schemes for research purposes, most researchers actually agree that the instruments can be beneficial for teacher training and development. Lightbown and Spada (1999), for instance, point out that observations can help teachers reflect on their teaching practices and the pedagogical assumptions informing these. Following Genesee and Upshur, ‘classroom observations consist of a set of observational categories that directs teachers in their search for information, inferences, and explanations of teaching and learning’ (1996:95). Observation is thus considered a valuable tool which can assist teachers in their everyday classroom practice.

Selection and design of schemes
When selecting an observation scheme, several design features have to be taken into account in order to ensure a fit between the instrument and the purpose of the observation (Chaudron, 1988): recording procedure, item type (high versus low inference items; see Long, 1980), possibilities of multiple coding for one event, real-time coding or post-event coding on a recording, as well as units of analysis employed (temporal, linguistic or pedagogical) have to be examined. It is, of course, also crucial to consider whether a particular scheme was developed with research or teacher education purposes in mind (Nunan, 1992).

Genesee and Upshur (1996) provide guidelines for the design of original observation schemes. Similar to Moskowitz (1971), they envision teachers observing themselves and making use of their observations for those everyday decision-making processes required of them in the classroom. The design guidelines they suggest address the following issues: (a) identify the what, i.e. those aspects of the teaching and learning process intended for observation; (b) identify the whom, i.e. decide whether to focus on individual students or on group/whole class interaction; (c) decide how often and when exactly to observe; and (d) decide on the how, i.e. the form of record keeping (anecdotal records, checklists or rating scales). Since rating scales and checklists consist of predetermined categories, Genesee and Upshur advise beginning teachers/teacher researchers to use anecdotal records to develop appropriate categories.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-3 12:58:42 | 显示全部楼层
Classroom research

Classroom research looks into the classroom itself for an understanding of what happens there. It was already established in teacher training in the 1960s, with systematic CLASSROOM OBSERVATION being used as a feedback tool in teacher training when the failure of comparative method research to take classroom events sufficiently into account prompted the rapid development of academic classroom research on classroom processes. Classroom research studies learner behaviour and teacher behaviour, observable behaviour and unobservable behaviour (thoughts, ATTITUDES and opinions). For some time mainly associated with second language ACQUISITION studies as an academic research tool, it is now even more strongly associated with teacher-based research for teacher development, often in the form of ACTION RESEARCH, whereby teachers use classroom research procedures to investigate their own classrooms.

Classroom research can involve direct classroom observation, or less direct, and more obviously subjective, data collection procedures such as participant diaries, questionnaires and interviews. Classroom research thus lends itself to qualitative as well as to quantitative approaches to research design. Classroom observation is central to the tradition, however, with lessons recorded via audio-and/or videotape, and transcribed for analysis, typically via an observation schedule or category system that reduces data to quantifiable categories of classroom behaviour. Inferences are then made from the patterns of behaviour so revealed.

Forty years of classroom research: origins and developments
Classroom observation has a long history in education, with teacher performance typically being evaluated this way, and a long history in initial teacher training, with observed classroom performance crucial to professional qualifications.

When ‘interaction analysis’ arrived (Flanders, 1960), both a research tool and a practical tool for teacher training with only ten categories and requiring only twelve hours of training, interest in classroom observation grew rapidly. In the USA (Moskowitz, 1968) and Europe (Wragg, 1970; Krumm, 1973) interaction analysis was adopted and adapted to represent the characteristics of language classrooms. Objective descriptions of classroom behaviour had arrived to replace subjective and prescriptive evaluations.

Also during the 1960s, US educational researchers (Smith, 1970) tried, by making direct comparisons between classes taught audiolingually and classes taught more traditionally, to establish the AUDIOLINGUAL METHOD as the one best method. The results were inconclusive, but one of the first critics (Clark, 1969) noted that they were uninterpretable, rather than inconclusive, since the study’s classroom observation element was unable to demonstrate that the designated methods had been used systematically and exclusively. The ‘inconclusive’ results were most probably due to insufficiently different classroom practices. This prompted teacher trainers wishing to broaden their research, and people interested in classroom processes but not involved in teacher training, to move away from observation as a feedback tool and to focus instead upon what the ‘objective’ description of language classroom processes offered academic research (Allwright, 1975).

It was now possible to develop research techniques following academic research criteria, rather than according to training requirements, and so category systems could hope to represent the complexities of language classrooms. ‘FOCUS’ (Fanselow, 1977) was designed to get the best of both worlds with a system that, for academic research purposes, exhaustively categorised classroom language teaching and learning, but which could be used highly selectively by teachers in training for their more restricted purposes. Early in the 1980s, working outside teacher training, and more interested in investigating COMMUNICATIVE LANGUAGE TEACHING, researchers at OISE (Ontario Institute for Studies in Education) developed the extensive category system COLT (Communicative Orientation of Language Teaching—Allen, Fr鰄lich and Spada, 1984). Researchers could now also develop non-observational techniques, and make productive links with SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION studies (SLA). SLA offered motivated research questions in a coherent theoretical framework (Long, 1981).

‘Mentalistic’ research techniques were also developed (Cohen and Hosenfeld, 1981) using diary studies (Bailey, 1980) or think-aloud procedures (Hosenfeld, 1979), for example, to elicit talk from teachers (and learners) about their experiences. This represented a major break with tradition. Participants’ subjective experiences were now potentially as important as anything which could be captured by observers (or audio/video-recording machines).

Academic classroom research had largely broken away from teacher training, then, and no longer saw direct observation as central (Allwright, 1987). It gained increasingly wide acceptance as a valid academic pursuit, drawing mainly on SLA for its research questions, and contributing to a growing body of published research. However, the link with SLA began to weaken, as teacher development via in-service (rather than pre-service) work developed fast as a rival source of ideas, influenced by overtly ideological concerns. The notion of the teacher as ‘intellectual’ was proposed (Giroux, 1988), replacing the teacher as mere ‘delivery system’ for other people’s thinking. Teachers could now be expected to develop their own theories of teaching and learning, from experience and reflection.

At the same time, in spite of its obvious concern for the classroom, academic classroom research had further eroded relations between teachers and researchers. SLA-inspired research agendas appeared largely irrelevant to teachers, and the research procedures themselves were intrusive and time-consuming. Action research arrived (Carr and Kemmis, 1986; Nunan, 1989), proposing that the people to undertake classroom research were teachers, who would do research by taking action for change—research aimed at solving teachers’ own immediate classroom problems, unhindered by abstract theoretical agendas. Action researchers, working for their own development, in their own classrooms, would keep on taking adaptive action until their problem had been solved. No control group was needed, nor was it necessary to hold everything else constant while an experimental action was tried out—major requirements of traditional experimental research. Otherwise, however, action research followed the academic repertoire of classroom research procedures.

Some current problems and unresolved issues
None the less, the relationship between academic classroom research and its counterpart in teacher development is problematic. Can teacher-based research contribute to theory, or can it only contribute, at best, to practical problem-solving? Should teacher-researchers follow academic research practices, or should they re-invent classroom research, and find their own criteria for validity (see Nunan, 1997 and Allwright, 1997)?

Using action research to solve classroom problems is also problematic in practice, because of the heavy burden the procedures can place on teachers. ‘Exploratory practice’ (Allwright and Lenzuen, 1997) is designed to minimise such problems.

Academic acceptance of classroom research has countered the simplistic assumptions behind large-scale methodological comparisons. Also, classroom research has largely succeeded in finding a place on teacher training and TEACHER EDUCATION courses, and in teacher development work. On academic courses in APPLIED LINGUISTICS the full academic model typically predominates, whereas action research (and, more rarely, exploratory practice) is more common elsewhere.
However, one influential commentator has regretted that many published ‘classroom’ studies are really ‘classroom-oriented’ rather than ‘class-room-based’. They do not involve ‘investigating real behaviour in real classrooms’ (Nunan, 1991:260). It would be ironic if a too-broad interpretation of ‘classroom research’ brought about a neglect (Breen, 1985) of what was originally its central concern—what actually happens in classrooms.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-4 11:28:22 | 显示全部楼层
Cognitive code theory

This theory can best be seen as a merger of two main areas. The first lies within the work of CHOMSKY on transformational grammar, while the second emanates from Carroll’s application of cognitive psychology. Carroll’s interest in foreign language teaching led him to assess the appropriateness of the prevailing methods in the USA during the early 1960s. He concluded that the predominant AUDIOLINGUAL METHOD, associated with the BEHAVIOURIST branch of psychology and learning theory, was ‘ripe for major revision’ (Carroll, 1966b: 105; and in Richards and Rodgers, 1986:60). He suggested putting this method together with elements of the cognitive code learning theory which was gaining a great deal of attention at that time, as part of the Chomskyian ‘revolution’ (Lyons, 1991:154). The resulting theory never replaced audiolingualism, however, in terms of ‘prominence or pervasiveness’ (Nunan, 1991:232).

The term is also used to refer to teaching practice where a grammatical SYLLABUS is accompanied by learner activities, which allow for a degree of exploration and investigations, rather than didactic TEACHER METHODS. Wilkins writes that the label cognitive code ‘captures both the nature of the mental operations involved and the focus on the language system’ (1990:521).

Cognitive code theory placed an emphasis on the mental processes involved in learning, and this was a departure from behaviourist views which outlined learning in terms of passive habit formation through drills and repetition. Chomsky posited that there are universal, innate abilities, which enable us, first as children, to learn a language long before any formal instruction takes place. The means by which children formulate rules, test them out and reformulate them, after being given limited numbers of examples, was evidence in Chomsky’s view of innate cognitive abilities. It is not the case that we learn everything by example and practice or, in behaviourist terms, as response to stimuli. In this case, we would need many lifetimes ‘to learn all the sentences of a language through a process of stimulus-response’ (Nunan, 1991:233). Instead, we work things out, basing new utterances upon examples and extrapolating the rules of GRAMMAR. We only formally learn the rules of grammar later on, if at all, during language education. Thus, cognitive code theory was another part of the rejection of behaviourism occurring in the 1960s, which was a watershed period in linguistics and language teaching. Cognitive code influenced many involved in the field, including Carroll.

Krashen, for example, writes of when he was a student of TESL and his acceptance as ‘penetrating insight’ Carroll’s ‘characterization of how language learning proceeds from the point of view of the then new “cognitive-code” school of thought’ (1987:83). He later went on to produce his own second language learning theory (MONITOR MODEL) which was also influential, and incorporated elements of cognitive code. Krashen emphasised the conclusion drawn from a number of studies and observations that not everything a second language learner knows is the result of conscious teaching. Language can be acquired through other means and sometimes appears as intuitive, before any structures or rules have been formally presented.

In practice, this implied the encouragement of learners to draw upon their innate abilities, even though involved in second language (L2) and no longer first language (L1) learning in the classroom. Language learning is viewed as active and rule seeking rather than rule remembering, and also as problem-solving with many TASK-BASED activities. Drilling and repetition were no longer emphasised but instead activities which necessitated active learning. It was believed that if teaching activities were planned appropriately, students would work out for themselves the underlying language rules of L2 and then practise them. Nunan points out that some cognitive courses, in fact, have language drills, but they have ‘a different rationale and use from behaviourist drills’ (1991:233).

Rules are also important, but, with cognitive code, careful selection of rules will facilitate learners in working out many others. Not all rules have to be presented and learned in a rote manner. At the start of a typical cognitive code lesson, learners are encouraged to consider their previous knowledge with the assumption that new knowledge should always be linked to what has gone before, rather than being taught in a vacuum. This drawing upon previous knowledge would be considered a necessary preliminary. Active reflection and discussion about the target language is also to be encouraged.

New language items to be learned can be presented either deductively or inductively, with the former meaning that the item is ‘embedded in a meaningful context’ (Nunan, 1991:233). With inductive learning, examples are given and then students have to work out the rule through guided learning and discovery. These techniques differ from audiolingualism, which it criticised on the ground that learners were not expected to use their cognitive abilities to work out rules. Again, there is the emphasis on the learner and what they can do for themselves, with the teacher becoming more of a facilitator and guide rather than a ‘giver of knowledge’.

The status of errors in cognitive code learning is different to more behaviourist methods, with the suggestion the errors are part of the process of second language ACQUISITION. New rules are hypothesised from the information given and then tested out. Errors are not just to be corrected but can be indicative of cognitive processes in action.

Cognitive code theory attracted interest from language teaching theorists and practitioners, but ‘no clear-cut methodological guidelines emerged, nor did any particular method incorporating this view of learning’ (Richards and Rodgers, 1986:60). It is probably the general view of the learner proposed by the theory that became important, together with its links with the general rejection of behaviourist models. Cognitive code can be viewed as influencing the communicative approach, which does make use of some of the principles of that approach (Richards, Platt and Platt, 1992).
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-4 11:31:45 | 显示全部楼层
Common European Framework

The ‘Common European Framework for language learning, teaching and ASSESSMENT’ (CEF) was developed as part of the COUNCIL OF EUROPE (CE) Project ‘Language learning for European citizenship’ between 1991 and 1997, with a view to its general launch in 2001 (Council of Europe, in press). Its aims are:
• to promote and facilitate cooperation and mutual information among educational institutions in different countries;
• to provide a sound basis for the mutual recognition of language qualifications;
• to assist learners, teachers, course designers, examining bodies and educational administrators to reflect on their current practice and to situate and co-ordinate their efforts.

To realise these aims, the CEF needs to be comprehensive, specifying the full range of language use as well as the many kinds of knowledge and skill necessary to proficient use, so as to enable any of its users to describe their OBJECTIVES and achievements. It does not set out to be exhaustive—an impossible ideal—but rather to identify the major parameters and higher-level categories, with examples of their exponents. CEF must also be transparent, giving explicit and clearly formulated information in a way comprehensible to its users; coherent, with all its parts harmoniously interconnected and free from internal contradiction; flexible, open, dynamic and non-dogmatic. The aim is not to prescribe how languages should be learnt, taught and assessed, but to raise awareness, stimulate reflection and improve communication among practitioners of all kinds and persuasions as to what they actually do.

Structure of the CEF
To this end, the CEF provides:
• a descriptive scheme, presenting and exemplifying the parameters and categories needed to describe, first, what a language user has to do in order to communicate in its situational context, then the role of the texts, which carry the message from producer to receiver, then the underlying competences which enable a language user to perform acts of communication, and finally the strategies which enable the language user to bring those competences to bear in action;
• a survey of approaches to language learning and teaching, providing options for users to consider in relation to their existing practice;
• a set of scales for describing proficiency in language use, both globally and in relation to the categories of the descriptive scheme at a series of levels;
• a discussion of the issues raised for curricular design in different educational contexts, with particular reference to the development of plurilingualism in the learner.
The descriptive scheme
The CEF provides descriptive categories for:
• the context of language use in terms of the locations, institutions, personal roles, objects, events, operations and texts which characterise situations which arise in the domains (personal, public, occupational and educational) in which social life is organised; the external conditions and constraints under which users communicate; and the mental context of the communicating parties;
• communicative tasks and purposes, not only practical transactions but also playful and aesthetic uses;
• themes, the topics which provide the content of particular acts of communication;
• language activities, classified as productive, oral or written; receptive, oral or written; interactive (e.g. conversation), in which the participants alternate as producer(s) and receiver(s); and mediating, in which the user acts simply as a channel of communication between two or more persons who for one reason or another cannot communicate directly;
• language processes, the actual sequence of skilled activities carried out by language users in planning, executing and monitoring their SPEAKING, LISTENING, READING and WRITING. This section also covers concomitant practical actions and paralinguistic actions (gesture, etc.);
• texts: This section deals with media and text-types, as well as with the nature and role of texts in relation to use;
• the user/learner’s competences. The ability of human beings to communicate depends upon their having developed the necessary competences (knowledge, SKILLS, etc.). Whilst all human competences may be drawn upon in one way or another in the course of communication, the CEF distinguishes between those of a general character and those more closely related to language.
• General competences include: ‘declarative’ knowledge of the physical world, society and culture; practical and intercultural skills and knowhow; personality factors such as ATTITUDES, MOTIVATIONS, values, beliefs, cognitive styles and psychological type; general linguistic and CULTURAL AWARENESS, together with learning skills and heuristics.
• Communicative language competences include: linguistic COMPETENCE, i.e. knowledge of and skill in using the formal resources from which wellformed meaningful texts may be assembled and formulated, embracing lexical, phonological, morphological and syntactic elements, categories, classes, structures, processes and relations, and the relation of form and meaning (semantics); sociolinguistic competence, covering markers of social relations, POLITENESS conventions, popular sayings, register differences, dialect and accent as social markers; and pragmatic competences, including knowledge and control of discourse structure, language functions (as in THRESHOLD LEVEL) and interactional schemata.
• strategies, the means exploited by language users to mobilise and balance their resources, to activate skills and procedures in order to maximise the effectiveness of the language activities: reception, production, interaction and mediation.

Scaling and levels
This chapter of the CEF discusses the issues involved in adding a ‘vertical’ dimension to the Framework, and proposes descriptors for language proficiency at an ascending series of levels. A branching system is presented, allowing planners to subdivide learners into more homogeneous groups according to need. For most purposes, a series of six relatively broad levels appears adequate, and such a series is developed in detail in an Appendix of some sixty pages. Scales are provided for overall proficiency and also, so far as is practicable, for those particular activities, processes and competences set out in the descriptive scheme.

The processes of language learning and teaching
Following the presentation of the descriptive scheme, this chapter of the Framework asks in what ways the learner comes to be able to carry out the tasks, activities and processes and build up the competences required for language communication; and how teachers, assisted by the various support services, can facilitate the process. After considering issues of principle, the chapter sets out methodological options for learning and teaching in relation to the descriptive scheme, dealing also with the role of teachers, including questions of the management of learning and attitudes to errors and mistakes.

Linguistic diversification and the curriculum
This section of the CEF reflects the move away from ‘all-or-nothing’ approaches to language learning and explores the implications of accepting plurilingualism (an overall communicative competence within which varying degrees and directions of competence in a number of languages interact) as the overarching objective of language learning. The detailed description of the many components of language makes it easier to plan for partial competences rather than all-round proficiency, in the light of the NEEDS, Motivations, characteristics and prior experience of learners and of the available resources. A number of possible scenarios for language teaching in different educational environments is suggested. The EUROPEAN LANGUAGE PORTFOLIO (Sch鋜er, 1999) provides a means of stimulating, recording and giving recognition to the development of plurilingual competences.

Assessment
This chapter of the Framework defines and discusses different types of assessment in terms of thirteen polarities (e.g., achievement/proficiency, formative/summative, etc.) and the relation of assessment to scales of language proficiency. The use of the descriptive scheme as a resource for the development and/or description of assessment tools is briefly discussed. Finally, questions of feasibility are raised—a workable system cannot be too complicated—and alternative metasystems are presented.

User guides
A user guide is available, designed to facilitate the use of the CEF by both general and specialised users (e.g., educational administrators, adult education providers, inspectors, examiners, TEXTBOOK writers, teacher trainers, teachers and learners).

The CEF’s user guides are publicly accessible on the CE website. Following extensive field consultation and trialling, the CEF is in widespread use as a basis for reflection, planning and mutual exchange of information. As an open system it is expected to develop further in response to the needs and experience of users.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-5 13:37:52 | 显示全部楼层
Communicative language teaching

Communicative language teaching (CLT) refers to both processes and goals in classroom learning. A central theoretical concept in communicative language teaching is communicative competence, a term introduced into discussions of language use and second/foreign language learning in the early 1970s (Habermas, 1970; Hymes, 1971; Jakobovits, 1970). Competence is defined in terms of the expression, INTERPRETATION and negotiation of meaning, and looks to SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION research to account for its development (Savignon, 1972, 1997). Identification of learner communicative needs provides a basis for curriculum design (van Ek, 1975).

Origins and development
The origins of CLT can be traced to concurrent developments in both Europe and North America. In Europe, the language needs of a rapidly increasing group of immigrants and guest workers, and a rich British linguistic tradition that included social as well as linguistic context in description of language behaviour, led to the COUNCIL OF EUROPE development of a SYLLABUS for learners based on functional-notional concepts of language use. Derived from neo-Firthian systemic or func- tional linguistics that views language as meaning potential and maintains the centrality of context of situation in understanding language systems and how they work, a THRESHOLD LEVEL of language ability was described in terms of what learners should be able to do with the language (van Ek, 1975). Functions were based on assessment of learner NEEDS and specified the end result, the goal of an instructional programme. The term ‘communicative’ attached itself to programmes that used a functional-notional syllabus based on needs assessment, and the LANGUAGE FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES (LSP) movement was launched.

Concurrent development in Europe focused on the process of communicative CLASSROOM LANGUAGE learning. In Germany, for example, against a backdrop of social democratic concerns for individual empowerment articulated in the writings of contemporary philosopher Jürgen Habermas (1970), language teaching methodologists took the lead in the development of classroom MATERIALS that encouraged learner choice (Candlin, 1978). Their systematic collection of EXERCISE types for communicatively oriented ENGLISH language teaching was used in teacher in-service courses and workshops to guide curriculum change. Exercises were designed to exploit the variety of social meanings contained within particular grammatical structures. A system of ‘chains’ encouraged teachers and learners to define their own learning path through principled selection of relevant exercises (Piepho, 1974; Piepho and Bredella, 1976). Similar exploratory projects were also initiated by Candlin at his academic home, the University of Lancaster, and by Holec (1979) and his colleagues at the University of Nancy (CRAPEL). Supplementary teacher resource materials promoting classroom CLT became increasingly popular in the 1970s (e.g., Maley and Duff, 1978), and there was new interest in learner VOCABULARY building.

Meanwhile, in the United States, Hymes (1971) had reacted to CHOMSKY’s characterisation of the linguistic competence of the ideal NATIVE SPEAKER and proposed the term ‘communicative competence’ to represent the use of language in social context, the observance of sociolinguistic norms of appropriacy. His concern with speech communities and the integration of language, communication and culture was not unlike that of Firth and HALLIDAY in the British linguistic tradition (see Halliday, 1978). Hyme’s communicative competence may be seen as the equivalent of Halliday’s meaning potential. Similarly, his focus was not language learning but language as social behaviour. In subsequent interpretations of the significance of Hymes’s views for learners, methodologists working in the USA tended to focus on native speaker cultural norms and the difficulty, if not impossibility, of AUTHENTICALLY representing them in a classroom of non-native speakers. In light of this difficulty, the appropriateness of communicative competence as an instructional goal was questioned (see, e.g., Paulston, 1974).

At the same time, in a research project at the University of Illinois, Savignon (1972) used the term communicative competence to characterise the ability of classroom language learners to interact with other speakers, to make meaning, as distinct from their ability to recite dialogues or perform on discrete-point tests of grammatical knowledge. At a time when pattern practice and error avoidance were the rule in language teaching, this study of ADULT classroom acquisition of FRENCH looked at the effect of practice in the use of coping STRATEGIES as part of an instructional programme. By encouraging them to ask for information, to seek clarification, to use circumlocution and whatever other linguistic and non-linguistic resources they could muster to negotiate meaning, to stick to the communicative task at hand, teachers were invariably leading learners to take risks, to speak in other than memorised patterns. The coping strategies identified in this study became the basis for subsequent identification by Canale and Swain (1980) of ‘STRATEGIC COMPETENCE’ in their three-component framework for communicative competence, along with grammatical competence and SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE. Test results at the end of the instructional period showed conclusively that learners who had practised communication instead of laboratory pattern drills performed with no less accuracy on discrete-point tests of grammatical structure. On the other hand, their communicative competence as measured in terms of fluency, comprehensibility, effort and amount of communication in unrehearsed communicative tasks significantly surpassed that of learners who had had no such practice. Learner reactions to the test formats lent further support to the view that even BEGINNERS respond well to activities that let them focus on meaning as opposed to formal features.

A collection of role plays, games and other communicative classroom activities was developed subsequently for inclusion in the adaptation of the French CR蒁IF materials, Voix et Visages de la France. The accompanying guide (Savignon, 1974) described their purpose as that of involving learners in the experience of communication. Teachers were encouraged to provide learners with the French equivalent of expressions like ‘What’s the word for…?’, ‘Please repeat…’, ‘I don’t understand’, expressions that would help them to participate in the negotiation of meaning. Not unlike the efforts of Candlin and his colleagues working in a European EFL context, the focus was on classroom process and learner AUTONOMY. The use of games, role play, pair and other small group activities has gained acceptance and is now widely recommended for inclusion in language teaching programmes.

CLT thus can be seen to derive from a multidisciplinary perspective that includes, at least, LINGUISTICS, PSYCHOLOGY, philosophy, sociology and educational research. The focus has been the elaboration and implementation of programmes and methodologies that promote the development of functional language ability through learner participation in communicative events. Central to CLT is the understanding of language learning as both an educational and a political issue. Language teaching is inextricably tied to language policy. Viewed from a multicultural intranational as well as international perspective, diverse sociopolitical contexts mandate not only a diverse set of language learning goals, but a diverse set of teaching strategies. Programme design and implementation depend on negotiation between policymakers, linguists, researchers and teachers. And EVALUATION of programme success requires a similar collaborative effort. The selection of methods and materials appropriate to both the goals and the context of teaching begins with an analysis of socially defined learner needs and styles of learning.

Focus on the learner
By definition, CLT puts the focus on the learner. Learner communicative needs provide a framework for elaborating programme goals in terms of functional competence. This implies global, qualitative evaluation of learner achievement as opposed to quantitative ASSESSMENT of discrete linguistic features. Controversy over appropriate language testing persists, and many a curricular innovation has been undone by failure to make corresponding changes in evaluation. Current efforts at educational reform favour essay writing, in-class presentations, and other more holistic assessments of learner competence. Some programmes have initiated portfolio assessment, the collection and evaluation of learner poems, reports, stories, videotapes and similar projects, in an effort to better represent and encourage learner achievement.

Depending upon their own preparation and experience, teachers themselves differ in their reactions to CLT. Some feel understandable frustration at the seeming ambiguity in discussions of communicative ability. Negotiation of meaning may be a lofty goal, but this view of language behaviour lacks precision and does not provide a universal scale for assessment of individual learners. Ability is viewed, rather, as variable and highly dependent upon context and purpose as well as the roles and attitudes of all involved. Other teachers welcome the opportunity to select and/or develop their own materials, providing learners with a range of communicative tasks. And they are comfortable relying on more global, integrative judgements of learner progress.

An additional source of frustration for some teachers are second language acquisition research findings that show the route, if not the rate, of language acquisition to be largely unaffected by classroom instruction. First language crosslinguistic studies of developmental universals initiated in the 1970s were soon followed by second language studies. Acquisition, assessed on the basis of expression in unrehearsed, oral communicative contexts, seemed to follow a similar morphosyntactic sequence regardless of learner age or context of learning. Although they served to bear out the informal observations of teachers, namely that TEXTBOOK presentation and drill do not ensure learner use of these same structures in their own spontaneous expression, the findings were none the less disconcerting. They contradicted both GRAMMAR-TRANSLATION and AUDIOLINGUAL precepts that placed the burden of acquisition on teacher explanation of GRAMMAR and controlled practice with insistence on learner accuracy. They were further at odds with textbooks that promise ‘mastery’ of ‘basic’ French, English, SPANISH, etc. Teacher rejection of research findings, renewed insistence on tests of discrete grammatical structures, and even exclusive reliance in the classroom on the learners’ native or first language, where possible, to be sure they ‘get the grammar’, have been in some cases reactions to the frustration of teaching for communication.

Moreover, the language acquisition research paradigm itself, with its emphasis on sentence-level grammatical features, has served to bolster a structural focus, obscuring pragmatic and sociolinguistic issues in language acquisition. In her discussion of the contexts of competence, Berns (1990) stresses that the definition of a communicative competence appropriate for learners requires an understanding of the sociocultural contexts of language use. In addition, the selection of a methodology appropriate to the attainment of communicative competence requires an understanding of sociocultural differences in styles of learning. Curricular innovation is best advanced by the development of local materials, which, in turn, rests on the involvement of classroom teachers.

What about grammar?
Discussions of CLT not infrequently lead to questions of grammatical or formal accuracy. The perceived displacement of attention to morphosyntactic features in learner expression in favour of a focus on meaning has led in some cases to the impression that grammar is not important, or that proponents of CLT favour learner self-expression without regard to form.

While involvement in communicative events is seen as central to language development, this involvement necessarily requires attention to form. Communication cannot take place in the absence of structure, or grammar—a set of shared assumptions about how language works—along with a willingness of participants to cooperate in the negotiation of meaning. In their carefully researched and widely cited paper proposing components of communicative competence, Canale and Swain (1980) did not suggest that grammar was unimportant. They sought, rather, to situate grammatical competence within a more broadly defined communicative competence. Similarly, the findings of the Savignon (1972) study did not suggest that teachers forsake the teaching of grammar. Rather, the replacement of LANGUAGE LABORATORY structure drills with meaning-focused self-expression was found to be a more effective way to develop communicative ability with no loss of morphosyntactic accuracy. And learner performance on tests of discrete morphosyntactic features was not a good predictor of their performance on a series of integrative communicative tasks.

The nature of the contribution to language development of both form-focused and meaning-focused classroom activity remains a question in ongoing research. The optimum combination of these activities in any given instructional setting depends no doubt on learner age, nature and length of instructional sequence, opportunities for language contact outside the classroom, teacher preparation and other factors. However, for the development of communicative ability, research findings overwhelmingly support the integration of form-focused exercises with meaning-focused experience. Grammar is important; and learners seem to focus best on grammar when it relates to their communicative needs and experiences (Lightbown and Spada, 1993). Nor should explicit attention to form be perceived as limited to sentence-level morphosyntactic features. Broader features of discourse, sociolinguistic rules of appropriacy, and communication strategies themselves may be included.

Sociolinguistic issues
Numerous sociolinguistic issues await attention. Variation in the speech community and its relationship to language change are central to sociolinguistic inquiry. Sociolinguistic perspectives on variability and change highlight the folly of describing native speaker competence, let alone
non-native speaker competence, in terms of ‘mastery’ or ‘command’ of a system. All language systems show instability and variation. Learner language systems show even greater instability and variability in terms of both the amount and the rate of change. Sociolinguistic concerns with identity and accommodation help to explain the construction by bilinguals of a ‘variation space’ which is different from that of a native speaker. It may include retention of any number of features of a previously acquired system of phonology, syntax, discourse, communication strategies, etc. The phenomenon may be individual or, in those settings where there is a community of learners, general.

Sociolinguistic perspectives have been important in understanding the implications of norm, appropriacy and variability for CLT, and continue to suggest avenues of inquiry for further research and materials development. Use of authentic language data has underscored the importance of context—setting, roles, GENRE, etc.—in INTERPRETING the meaning of a text. A range of both oral and written texts in context provides learners with a variety of language experiences, experiences they need to construct their own ‘variation space’, to make determinations of appropriacy in their own expression of meaning. ‘Competent’ in this instance is not necessarily synonymous with ‘nativelike’. Negotiation in CLT highlights the need for interlinguistic, i.e. intercultural, awareness on the part of all involved (Byram, 1997). Better understanding of the strategies used in the negotiation of meaning offers a potential for improving classroom practice of the needed SKILLS.

Along with other Sociolinguistic issues in language acquisition, the classroom itself as a social context has been neglected. Classroom language learning was the focus of a number of research studies in the 1960s and early 1970s. However, language classrooms were not a major interest of the second language acquisition (SLA) research that rapidly gathered momentum in the years that followed. The full range of variables present in educational settings was an obvious deterrent. Other difficulties included the lack of well-defined classroom processes to serve as variables and lack of agreement as to what constituted learning success. Confusion of form-focused drill with meaning-focused communication persisted in many of the textbook exercises and language test prototypes that influenced curricula. Not surprisingly, researchers eager to establish SLA as a worthy field of inquiry turned their attention to more narrow, quantitative studies of the acquisition of selected morphosyntactic features.

What CLT is not
Disappointment with both grammar-translation and audiolingual methods for their inability to prepare learners for the interpretation, expression and negotiation of meaning, along with enthusiasm for an array of alternative methods increasingly labelled ‘communicative’, has resulted in no small amount of uncertainty as to what are and are not essential features of CLT. Thus, a summary description would be incomplete without brief mention of what CLT is not.
CLT is not exclusively concerned with face-to-face oral communication. The principles of CLT apply equally to READING and WRITING activities that involve readers and writers engaged in the interpretation, expression and negotiation of meaning; the goals of CLT depend on learner needs in a given context. CLT does not require small group or pair work. Group tasks have been found helpful in many contexts as a way of providing increased opportunity and MOTIVATION for communication, but classroom group or pair work should not be considered an essential feature and may well be inappropriate in some contexts. Finally, CLT does not exclude a focus on metalinguistic awareness or knowledge of rules of syntax, discourse and social appropriateness.

The essence of CLT is the engagement of learners in communication to allow them to develop their communicative competence. Terms sometimes used to refer to features of CLT include ‘process oriented’, ‘TASK-BASED’, and ‘inductive’ or ‘discovery’ oriented. CLT cannot be found in any one textbook or set of curricular materials inasmuch as strict adherence to a given text is not likely to be true to the processes and goals of CLT In keeping with the notion of context of situation, CLT is properly seen as an approach, a theory of Intercultural communicative competence to be used in developing materials and methods appropriate to a given context of learning. No less than the means and norms of communication they are designed to reflect, communicative TEACHER METHODS will continue to be explored and adapted.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-5 13:39:38 | 显示全部楼层
Communicative strategies

Communicative strategies in language teaching and learning are often known as language use strategies, i.e. the techniques that learners employ when attempting to use the target language for the purpose of communication. Communicative or language use strategies include retrieval strategies, rehearsal strategies, cover strategies, and so-called ‘communication’ strategies, each of which is defined and illustrated below.

Terminology
As pointed out by Oxford (1990), the word strategy comes from the ancient Greek term strategia, which means steps or actions taken for the purpose of winning a war. The warlike aim of strategia has fallen away, but control and goal-directedness remain in the modern version of the word.
A plausible distinction can be made between communicative or language use strategies and language learning strategies. The latter are defined variously as: ‘behaviors or thoughts that a learner engages in during learning that are intended to influence the learner’s encoding process’ (Weinstein and Mayer, 1986:315) and ‘the learner’s toolkit for active, purposeful, and attentive self-regulation of mental processes [during learning]’ (Kawai, Oxford and Iran-Nejad, forthcoming). One category of learning strategies is cognitive strategies for creating, strengthening and elaborating mental associations between the new and the known (e.g., using text features to understand the meaning, taking systematic notes using a T-line format, and breaking a word down into its root, prefix and suffix). Another learning strategy category is metacognitive strategies for planning, organising, evaluating and monitoring one’s own learning and for understanding one’s own learning processes (e.g., knowing one’s favoured LEARNING STYLE, identifying necessary materials for a given language task, and monitoring mistakes during the task). Other forms of learning strategies, according to Oxford (1990, 1996), are affective strategies for controlling emotions and MOTIVATION and social strategies for learning with other people.

It could be argued that language use or communicative strategies frequently aid learning and should therefore be considered to overlap with language learning strategies. In fact, Oxford’s (1990) taxonomy of language learning strategies includes a variety of communicative strategies under the rubric of compensation strategies, which serve to compensate for missing knowledge when the learner is engaged in a difficult language task. A possible reason for arguing that communicative strategies overlap with, or are part of, language learning strategies is that the former strategies allow learners to stay engaged longer in target language communication and thus enable learners to receive more of the language input and feedback that are needed for learning. In short, learning often results from employing communicative or language use strategies, even if learning is not the main objective.

However, it is true that the primary goal for employing communicative or language use strategies is not usually learning, and that such strategies do not always result in learning (Cohen, 1998), although they frequently do have learning as a by-product. It is helpful to remember the theoretical distinction between communicative or language use strategies on the one hand and language learning strategies on the other.

Four types of communicative or language use strategies
Although many other theorists have contributed to the literature on communicative or language use strategies, Cohen (1998) has outlined the clearest taxonomy. The four aspects of Cohen’s taxonomy are: retrieval strategies, rehearsal strategies, cover strategies, and ‘communication’ strategies. Another way to describe these four categories is: mnemonic strategies for retrieval, practice strategies, image-protection or masking strategies, and restricted-knowledge strategies.

Retrieval (mnemonic) strategies
Retrieval strategies are those behaviours or techniques ‘used to call up language material from [long-term mental] storage, through whatever memory searching techniques the learner can muster’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Retrieval strategies are frequently the mirror image of the language learning strategies initially used to encode the language material into long-term mental storage. The learner might have used a mnemonic learning strategy for initial encoding of the material in long-term memory storage. Employing the same strategy (or recalling the initial use of the strategy) helps the learner to retrieve the material when needed for live communication. For instance, various mnemonic techniques or strategies enable learners to retrieve information in an orderly string (e.g., acronyms), while other techniques create retrieval via sounds (e.g., rhyming), images (e.g., a mental picture of the word itself or the meaning of the word), a combination of sounds and images (e.g., the keyword method), body movement (e.g., TOTAL PHYSICAL RESPONSE), mechanical means (e.g., FLASHCARDS), or location (e.g., on a page or blackboard) (see Oxford, 1990, for details and multiple examples). When the technique is used for initial learning, it is clearly a learning strategy. However, technically speaking, when the same technique is used for retrieving language material for communicative use, this technique becomes a communicative or language use strategy.

Rehearsal (practice) strategies
A second category of communicative or language use strategies can be called rehearsal or practice strategies. These strategies are employed for rehearsing structures in the target language. An example would be ‘rehearsing the subjunctive form in preparation for using it communicatively in a request in Spanish to a boss for a day off’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Although language learning might indeed be involved in this process to one degree or another, the rehearsal of the subjunctive for real communication makes this a communicative or language use strategy. Cohen focuses on form-focused or grammatical rehearsal, but using strategies to rehearse specific pragmatic functions, VOCABULARY and PRONUNCIATION can also be important for successful communication.

Cover (masking or image-protection) strategies
Cover strategies are ‘those strategies that learners use to create the impression that they have control over material when they do not. They are a special type of compensatory or coping strategy which involves creating the appearance of language ability so as not to look unprepared, foolish, or even stupid’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Some examples given by Cohen are: using a memorised and partly understood phrase to keep the conversation going, producing simplified utterances, or producing overly complex utterances. In addition to these linguistically-based cover strategies, some social-psychological cover strategies are: laughing, joking, diverting the conversation partner, smiling, nodding, and appearing to be interested or fascinated by the conversation while not understanding what is being said (Oxford, 1995). Such social-psychological cover strategies are often known as masking or image-protection strategies in an anxiety-ridden communication situation. These terms can be employed to encompass linguistically-based cover strategies as well.

‘Communication’ (restricted-knowledge) strategies
The general term for the fourth group of communicative or language use strategies is ‘communication’ strategies. In a way this is an unfortunate term, because it is so broad and so confusingly similar to the larger category, communicative or language use strategies. However, the term communication strategies is deeply entrenched in the research literature (see, e.g., Bialystok, 1990; Cohen, 1998; D鰎nyei, 1995; D鰎nyei and Scott, 1997; Faerch and Kasper, 1983; Poulisse, 1990; Tarone, 1981). Communication strategies include overgeneralising a grammar rule or vocabulary meaning from one context to another where it does not apply, avoiding or abandoning a topic that is too difficult, reducing a message, switching to the native language temporarily (code switching), paraphrasing, or using circumlocution (Cohen, 1998; Oxford, 1990). In all these instances, the basic dynamic is to capitalise on the restricted amount that one knows while ignoring what one does not know, with the ultimate goal of conveying a meaningful message. Therefore the term restricted-knowledge strategies might be a useful synonym for communication strategies.

Conclusion
This discussion has defined communicative or language use strategies and has distinguished them from language learning strategies, although learning sometimes occurs as a by-product of employing communicative strategies. Four types of communicative strategy include: retrieval (mnemonic) strategies, rehearsal (practice) strategies, cover (masking or image-protection) strategies, and so-called ‘communication’ (restricted-knowledge) strategies. Strategy instruction can address all of these types of strategy, just as it can address language learning strategies (Oxford, 1996).
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-6 12:37:04 | 显示全部楼层
Communicative language teaching

Communicative language teaching (CLT) refers to both processes and goals in classroom learning. A central theoretical concept in communicative language teaching is communicative competence, a term introduced into discussions of language use and second/foreign language learning in the early 1970s (Habermas, 1970; Hymes, 1971; Jakobovits, 1970). Competence is defined in terms of the expression, INTERPRETATION and negotiation of meaning, and looks to SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION research to account for its development (Savignon, 1972, 1997). Identification of learner communicative needs provides a basis for curriculum design (van Ek, 1975).

Origins and development
The origins of CLT can be traced to concurrent developments in both Europe and North America. In Europe, the language needs of a rapidly increasing group of immigrants and guest workers, and a rich British linguistic tradition that included social as well as linguistic context in description of language behaviour, led to the COUNCIL OF EUROPE development of a SYLLABUS for learners based on functional-notional concepts of language use. Derived from neo-Firthian systemic or func tional linguistics that views language as meaning potential and maintains the centrality of context of situation in understanding language systems and how they work, a THRESHOLD LEVEL of language ability was described in terms of what learners should be able to do with the language (van Ek, 1975). Functions were based on assessment of learner NEEDS and specified the end result, the goal of an instructional programme. The term ‘communicative’ attached itself to programmes that used a functional-notional syllabus based on needs assessment, and the LANGUAGE FOR SPECIFIC PURPOSES (LSP) movement was launched.

Concurrent development in Europe focused on the process of communicative CLASSROOM LANGUAGE learning. In Germany, for example, against a backdrop of social democratic concerns for individual empowerment articulated in the writings of contemporary philosopher Jürgen Habermas (1970), language teaching methodologists took the lead in the development of classroom MATERIALS that encouraged learner choice (Candlin, 1978). Their systematic collection of EXERCISE types for communicatively oriented ENGLISH language teaching was used in teacher in-service courses and workshops to guide curriculum change. Exercises were designed to exploit the variety of social meanings contained within particular grammatical structures. A system of ‘chains’ encouraged teachers and learners to define their own learning path through principled selection of relevant exercises (Piepho, 1974; Piepho and Bredella, 1976). Similar exploratory projects were also initiated by Candlin at his academic home, the University of Lancaster, and by Holec (1979) and his colleagues at the University of Nancy (CRAPEL). Supplementary teacher resource materials promoting classroom CLT became increasingly popular in the 1970s (e.g., Maley and Duff, 1978), and there was new interest in learner VOCABULARY building.

Meanwhile, in the United States, Hymes (1971) had reacted to CHOMSKY’s characterisation of the linguistic competence of the ideal NATIVE SPEAKER and proposed the term ‘communicative competence’ to represent the use of language in social context, the observance of sociolinguistic norms of appropriacy. His concern with speech communities and the integration of language, communication and culture was not unlike that of Firth and HALLIDAY in the British linguistic tradition (see Halliday, 1978). Hyme’s communicative competence may be seen as the equivalent of Halliday’s meaning potential. Similarly, his focus was not language learning but language as social behaviour. In subsequent interpretations of the significance of Hymes’s views for learners, methodologists working in the USA tended to focus on native speaker cultural norms and the difficulty, if not impossibility, of AUTHENTICALLY representing them in a classroom of non-native speakers. In light of this difficulty, the appropriateness of communicative competence as an instructional goal was questioned (see, e.g., Paulston, 1974).

At the same time, in a research project at the University of Illinois, Savignon (1972) used the term communicative competence to characterise the ability of classroom language learners to interact with other speakers, to make meaning, as distinct from their ability to recite dialogues or perform on discrete-point tests of grammatical knowledge. At a time when pattern practice and error avoidance were the rule in language teaching, this study of ADULT classroom acquisition of FRENCH looked at the effect of practice in the use of coping STRATEGIES as part of an instructional programme. By encouraging them to ask for information, to seek clarification, to use circumlocution and whatever other linguistic and non-linguistic resources they could muster to negotiate meaning, to stick to the communicative task at hand, teachers were invariably leading learners to take risks, to speak in other than memorised patterns. The coping strategies identified in this study became the basis for subsequent identification by Canale and Swain (1980) of ‘STRATEGIC COMPETENCE’ in their three-component framework for communicative competence, along with grammatical competence and SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPETENCE. Test results at the end of the instructional period showed conclusively that learners who had practised communication instead of laboratory pattern drills performed with no less accuracy on discrete-point tests of grammatical structure. On the other hand, their communicative competence as measured in terms of fluency, comprehensibility, effort and amount of communication in unrehearsed communicative tasks significantly surpassed that of learners who had had no such practice. Learner reactions to the test formats lent further support to the view that even BEGINNERS respond well to activities that let them focus on meaning as opposed to formal features.

A collection of role plays, games and other communicative classroom activities was developed subsequently for inclusion in the adaptation of the French CR蒁IF materials, Voix et Visages de la France. The accompanying guide (Savignon, 1974) described their purpose as that of involving learners in the experience of communication. Teachers were encouraged to provide learners with the French equivalent of expressions like ‘What’s the word for…?’, ‘Please repeat…’, ‘I don’t understand’, expressions that would help them to participate in the negotiation of meaning. Not unlike the efforts of Candlin and his colleagues working in a European EFL context, the focus was on classroom process and learner AUTONOMY. The use of games, role play, pair and other small group activities has gained acceptance and is now widely recommended for inclusion in language teaching programmes.

CLT thus can be seen to derive from a multidisciplinary perspective that includes, at least, LINGUISTICS, PSYCHOLOGY, philosophy, sociology and educational research. The focus has been the elaboration and implementation of programmes and methodologies that promote the development of functional language ability through learner participation in communicative events. Central to CLT is the understanding of language learning as both an educational and a political issue. Language teaching is inextricably tied to language policy. Viewed from a multicultural intranational as well as international perspective, diverse sociopolitical contexts mandate not only a diverse set of language learning goals, but a diverse set of teaching strategies. Programme design and implementation depend on negotiation between policymakers, linguists, researchers and teachers. And EVALUATION of programme success requires a similar collaborative effort. The selection of methods and materials appropriate to both the goals and the context of teaching begins with an analysis of socially defined learner needs and styles of learning.

Focus on the learner
By definition, CLT puts the focus on the learner. Learner communicative needs provide a framework for elaborating programme goals in terms of functional competence. This implies global, qualitative evaluation of learner achievement as opposed to quantitative ASSESSMENT of discrete linguistic features. Controversy over appropriate language testing persists, and many a curricular innovation has been undone by failure to make corresponding changes in evaluation. Current efforts at educational reform favour essay writing, in-class presentations, and other more holistic assessments of learner competence. Some programmes have initiated portfolio assessment, the collection and evaluation of learner poems, reports, stories, videotapes and similar projects, in an effort to better represent and encourage learner achievement.

Depending upon their own preparation and experience, teachers themselves differ in their reactions to CLT. Some feel understandable frustration at the seeming ambiguity in discussions of communicative ability. Negotiation of meaning may be a lofty goal, but this view of language behaviour lacks precision and does not provide a universal scale for assessment of individual learners. Ability is viewed, rather, as variable and highly dependent upon context and purpose as well as the roles and attitudes of all involved. Other teachers welcome the opportunity to select and/or develop their own materials, providing learners with a range of communicative tasks. And they are comfortable relying on more global, integrative judgements of learner progress.

An additional source of frustration for some teachers are second language acquisition research findings that show the route, if not the rate, of language acquisition to be largely unaffected by classroom instruction. First language crosslinguistic studies of developmental universals initiated in the 1970s were soon followed by second language studies. Acquisition, assessed on the basis of expression in unrehearsed, oral communicative contexts, seemed to follow a similar morphosyntactic sequence regardless of learner age or context of learning. Although they served to bear out the informal observations of teachers, namely that TEXTBOOK presentation and drill do not ensure learner use of these same structures in their own spontaneous expression, the findings were none the less disconcerting. They contradicted both GRAMMAR-TRANSLATION and AUDIOLINGUAL precepts that placed the burden of acquisition on teacher explanation of GRAMMAR and controlled practice with insistence on learner accuracy. They were further at odds with textbooks that promise ‘mastery’ of ‘basic’ French, English, SPANISH, etc. Teacher rejection of research findings, renewed insistence on tests of discrete grammatical structures, and even exclusive reliance in the classroom on the learners’ native or first language, where possible, to be sure they ‘get the grammar’, have been in some cases reactions to the frustration of teaching for communication.

Moreover, the language acquisition research paradigm itself, with its emphasis on sentence-level grammatical features, has served to bolster a structural focus, obscuring pragmatic and sociolinguistic issues in language acquisition. In her discussion of the contexts of competence, Berns (1990) stresses that the definition of a communicative competence appropriate for learners requires an understanding of the sociocultural contexts of language use. In addition, the selection of a methodology appropriate to the attainment of communicative competence requires an understanding of sociocultural differences in styles of learning. Curricular innovation is best advanced by the development of local materials, which, in turn, rests on the involvement of classroom teachers.

What about grammar?
Discussions of CLT not infrequently lead to questions of grammatical or formal accuracy. The perceived displacement of attention to morphosyntactic features in learner expression in favour of a focus on meaning has led in some cases to the impression that grammar is not important, or that proponents of CLT favour learner self-expression without regard to form.

While involvement in communicative events is seen as central to language development, this involvement necessarily requires attention to form. Communication cannot take place in the absence of structure, or grammar—a set of shared assumptions about how language works—along with a willingness of participants to cooperate in the negotiation of meaning. In their carefully researched and widely cited paper proposing components of communicative competence, Canale and Swain (1980) did not suggest that grammar was unimportant. They sought, rather, to situate grammatical competence within a more broadly defined communicative competence. Similarly, the findings of the Savignon (1972) study did not suggest that teachers forsake the teaching of grammar. Rather, the replacement of LANGUAGE LABORATORY structure drills with meaning-focused self-expression was found to be a more effective way to develop communicative ability with no loss of morphosyntactic accuracy. And learner performance on tests of discrete morphosyntactic features was not a good predictor of their performance on a series of integrative communicative tasks.

The nature of the contribution to language development of both form-focused and meaning-focused classroom activity remains a question in ongoing research. The optimum combination of these activities in any given instructional setting depends no doubt on learner age, nature and length of instructional sequence, opportunities for language contact outside the classroom, teacher preparation and other factors. However, for the development of communicative ability, research findings overwhelmingly support the integration of form-focused exercises with meaning-focused experience. Grammar is important; and learners seem to focus best on grammar when it relates to their communicative needs and experiences (Lightbown and Spada, 1993). Nor should explicit attention to form be perceived as limited to sentence-level morphosyntactic features. Broader features of discourse, sociolinguistic rules of appropriacy, and communication strategies themselves may be included.

Sociolinguistic issues
Numerous sociolinguistic issues await attention. Variation in the speech community and its relationship to language change are central to sociolinguistic inquiry. Sociolinguistic perspectives on variability and change highlight the folly of describing native speaker competence, let alone non-native speaker competence, in terms of ‘mastery’ or ‘command’ of a system. All language systems show instability and variation. Learner language systems show even greater instability and variability in terms of both the amount and the rate of change. Sociolinguistic concerns with identity and accommodation help to explain the construction by bilinguals of a ‘variation space’ which is different from that of a native speaker. It may include retention of any number of features of a previously acquired system of phonology, syntax, discourse, communication strategies, etc. The phenomenon may be individual or, in those settings where there is a community of learners, general.

Sociolinguistic perspectives have been important in understanding the implications of norm, appropriacy and variability for CLT, and continue to suggest avenues of inquiry for further research and materials development. Use of authentic language data has underscored the importance of context—setting, roles, GENRE, etc.—in INTERPRETING the meaning of a text. A range of both oral and written texts in context provides learners with a variety of language experiences, experiences they need to construct their own ‘variation space’, to make determinations of appropriacy in their own expression of meaning. ‘Competent’ in this instance is not necessarily synonymous with ‘nativelike’. Negotiation in CLT highlights the need for interlinguistic, i.e. intercultural, awareness on the part of all involved (Byram, 1997). Better understanding of the strategies used in the negotiation of meaning offers a potential for improving classroom practice of the needed SKILLS.

Along with other Sociolinguistic issues in language acquisition, the classroom itself as a social context has been neglected. Classroom language learning was the focus of a number of research studies in the 1960s and early 1970s. However, language classrooms were not a major interest of the second language acquisition (SLA) research that rapidly gathered momentum in the years that followed. The full range of variables present in educational settings was an obvious deterrent. Other difficulties included the lack of well-defined classroom processes to serve as variables and lack of agreement as to what constituted learning success. Confusion of form-focused drill with meaning-focused communication persisted in many of the textbook exercises and language test prototypes that influenced curricula. Not surprisingly, researchers eager to establish SLA as a worthy field of inquiry turned their attention to more narrow, quantitative studies of the acquisition of selected morphosyntactic features.

What CLT is not
Disappointment with both grammar-translation and audiolingual methods for their inability to prepare learners for the interpretation, expression and negotiation of meaning, along with enthusiasm for an array of alternative methods increasingly labelled ‘communicative’, has resulted in no small amount of uncertainty as to what are and are not essential features of CLT. Thus, a summary description would be incomplete without brief mention of what CLT is not.

CLT is not exclusively concerned with face-to-face oral communication. The principles of CLT apply equally to READING and WRITING activities that involve readers and writers engaged in the interpretation, expression and negotiation of meaning; the goals of CLT depend on learner needs in a given context. CLT does not require small group or pair work. Group tasks have been found helpful in many contexts as a way of providing increased opportunity and MOTIVATION for communication, but classroom group or pair work should not be considered an essential feature and may well be inappropriate in some contexts. Finally, CLT does not exclude a focus on metalinguistic awareness or knowledge of rules of syntax, discourse and social appropriateness.

The essence of CLT is the engagement of learners in communication to allow them to develop their communicative competence. Terms sometimes used to refer to features of CLT include ‘process oriented’, ‘TASK-BASED’, and ‘inductive’ or ‘discovery’ oriented. CLT cannot be found in any one textbook or set of curricular materials inasmuch as strict adherence to a given text is not likely to be true to the processes and goals of CLT In keeping with the notion of context of situation, CLT is properly seen as an approach, a theory of Intercultural communicative competence to be used in developing materials and methods appropriate to a given context of learning. No less than the means and norms of communication they are designed to reflect, communicative TEACHER METHODS will continue to be explored and adapted.
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-6 12:38:51 | 显示全部楼层
Communicative strategies

Communicative strategies in language teaching and learning are often known as language use strategies, i.e. the techniques that learners employ when attempting to use the target language for the purpose of communication. Communicative or language use strategies include retrieval strategies, rehearsal strategies, cover strategies, and so-called ‘communication’ strategies, each of which is defined and illustrated below.

Terminology
As pointed out by Oxford (1990), the word strategy comes from the ancient Greek term strategia, which means steps or actions taken for the purpose of winning a war. The warlike aim of strategia has fallen away, but control and goal-directedness remain in the modern version of the word.
A plausible distinction can be made between communicative or language use strategies and language learning strategies. The latter are defined variously as: ‘behaviors or thoughts that a learner engages in during learning that are intended to influence the learner’s encoding process’ (Weinstein and Mayer, 1986:315) and ‘the learner’s toolkit for active, purposeful, and attentive self-regulation of mental processes [during learning]’ (Kawai, Oxford and Iran-Nejad, forthcoming). One category of learning strategies is cognitive strategies for creating, strengthening and elaborating mental associations between the new and the known (e.g., using text features to understand the meaning, taking systematic notes using a T-line format, and breaking a word down into its root, prefix and suffix). Another learning strategy category is metacognitive strategies for planning, organising, evaluating and monitoring one’s own learning and for understanding one’s own learning processes (e.g., knowing one’s favoured LEARNING STYLE, identifying necessary materials for a given language task, and monitoring mistakes during the task). Other forms of learning strategies, according to Oxford (1990, 1996), are affective strategies for controlling emotions and MOTIVATION and social strategies for learning with other people.

It could be argued that language use or communicative strategies frequently aid learning and should therefore be considered to overlap with language learning strategies. In fact, Oxford’s (1990) taxonomy of language learning strategies includes a variety of communicative strategies under the rubric of compensation strategies, which serve to compensate for missing knowledge when the learner is engaged in a difficult language task. A possible reason for arguing that communicative strategies overlap with, or are part of, language learning strategies is that the former strategies allow learners to stay engaged longer in target language communication and thus enable learners to receive more of the language input and feedback that are needed for learning. In short, learning often results from employing communicative or language use strategies, even if learning is not the main objective.

However, it is true that the primary goal for employing communicative or language use strategies is not usually learning, and that such strategies do not always result in learning (Cohen, 1998), although they frequently do have learning as a by-product. It is helpful to remember the theoretical distinction between communicative or language use strategies on the one hand and language learning strategies on the other.

Four types of communicative or language use strategies
Although many other theorists have contributed to the literature on communicative or language use strategies, Cohen (1998) has outlined the clearest taxonomy. The four aspects of Cohen’s taxonomy are: retrieval strategies, rehearsal strategies, cover strategies, and ‘communication’ strategies. Another way to describe these four categories is: mnemonic strategies for retrieval, practice strategies, image-protection or masking strategies, and restricted-knowledge strategies.

Retrieval (mnemonic) strategies
Retrieval strategies are those behaviours or techniques ‘used to call up language material from [long-term mental] storage, through whatever memory searching techniques the learner can muster’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Retrieval strategies are frequently the mirror image of the language learning strategies initially used to encode the language material into long-term mental storage. The learner might have used a mnemonic learning strategy for initial encoding of the material in long-term memory storage. Employing the same strategy (or recalling the initial use of the strategy) helps the learner to retrieve the material when needed for live communication. For instance, various mnemonic techniques or strategies enable learners to retrieve information in an orderly string (e.g., acronyms), while other techniques create retrieval via sounds (e.g., rhyming), images (e.g., a mental picture of the word itself or the meaning of the word), a combination of sounds and images (e.g., the keyword method), body movement (e.g., TOTAL PHYSICAL RESPONSE), mechanical means (e.g., FLASHCARDS), or location (e.g., on a page or blackboard) (see Oxford, 1990, for details and multiple examples). When the technique is used for initial learning, it is clearly a learning strategy. However, technically speaking, when the same technique is used for retrieving language material for communicative use, this technique becomes a communicative or language use strategy.

Rehearsal (practice) strategies
A second category of communicative or language use strategies can be called rehearsal or practice strategies. These strategies are employed for rehearsing structures in the target language. An example would be ‘rehearsing the subjunctive form in preparation for using it communicatively in a request in Spanish to a boss for a day off’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Although language learning might indeed be involved in this process to one degree or another, the rehearsal of the subjunctive for real communication makes this a communicative or language use strategy. Cohen focuses on form-focused or grammatical rehearsal, but using strategies to rehearse specific pragmatic functions, VOCABULARY and PRONUNCIATION can also be important for successful communication.

Cover (masking or image-protection) strategies
Cover strategies are ‘those strategies that learners use to create the impression that they have control over material when they do not. They are a special type of compensatory or coping strategy which involves creating the appearance of language ability so as not to look unprepared, foolish, or even stupid’ (Cohen, 1998:6). Some examples given by Cohen are: using a memorised and partly understood phrase to keep the conversation going, producing simplified utterances, or producing overly complex utterances. In addition to these linguistically-based cover strategies, some social-psychological cover strategies are: laughing, joking, diverting the conversation partner, smiling, nodding, and appearing to be interested or fascinated by the conversation while not understanding what is being said (Oxford, 1995). Such social-psychological cover strategies are often known as masking or image-protection strategies in an anxiety-ridden communication situation. These terms can be employed to encompass linguistically-based cover strategies as well.

‘Communication’ (restricted-knowledge) strategies
The general term for the fourth group of communicative or language use strategies is ‘communication’ strategies. In a way this is an unfortunate term, because it is so broad and so confusingly similar to the larger category, communicative or language use strategies. However, the term communication strategies is deeply entrenched in the research literature (see, e.g., Bialystok, 1990; Cohen, 1998; D鰎nyei, 1995; D鰎nyei and Scott, 1997; Faerch and Kasper, 1983; Poulisse, 1990; Tarone, 1981). Communication strategies include overgeneralising a grammar rule or vocabulary meaning from one context to another where it does not apply, avoiding or abandoning a topic that is too difficult, reducing a message, switching to the native language temporarily (code switching), paraphrasing, or using circumlocution (Cohen, 1998; Oxford, 1990). In all these instances, the basic dynamic is to capitalise on the restricted amount that one knows while ignoring what one does not know, with the ultimate goal of conveying a meaningful message. Therefore the term restricted-knowledge strategies might be a useful synonym for communication strategies.

Conclusion
This discussion has defined communicative or language use strategies and has distinguished them from language learning strategies, although learning sometimes occurs as a by-product of employing communicative strategies. Four types of communicative strategy include: retrieval (mnemonic) strategies, rehearsal (practice) strategies, cover (masking or image-protection) strategies, and so-called ‘communication’ (restricted-knowledge) strategies. Strategy instruction can address all of these types of strategy, just as it can address language learning strategies (Oxford, 1996).
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 楼主| 发表于 2009-8-7 12:50:40 | 显示全部楼层
Community language learning

The origins of community language learning (CLL) lie in PSYCHOLOGY, and CLL can be viewed as the outcome of applying counselling learning techniques in the language classroom. The two are closely linked and will be dealt with together here. CLL, as a ‘HUMANISTIC’ method with strong elements of Rogerian counselling theory, is associated with Charles Curran (1972, 1976), a professor of psychology and counselling specialist, and was developed by one of his students, La Forge.

Curran wanted to broaden the use of psychological methods, including that of taking a ‘wholeperson learning’ approach. This recognises the multiplicity of factors that make up an individual, both affective as well as cognitive, with the idea that feelings and emotions are not necessarily put to one side upon entering the classroom. Humanistic techniques can ‘blend what the student feels, thinks and knows with what he is learning in the target language’, and also ‘help to foster a climate of caring and sharing in the foreign language classroom’ (Moskowitz, 1978:2).

Curran’s emphasis on the holistic approach was part of the break with previous views of the learner, particularly in BEHAVIOURISM, as passive and largely responding to stimuli. This atomistic view paid insufficient attention, in Curran’s view, to creative abilities, with the intellect treated as a separate rather than an integral part of the whole person. In CLL, the learning process is described as an interaction which learners involve themselves in totally. The relationship between teacher and learner is redefined when compared to more traditional approaches.

By applying counselling learning, the teacher assumes the role of ‘counsellor’ while learners are ‘clients’ in the classroom rather than the consulting room. As counselling is about giving advice, support and encouragement to those with problems, there is a clear difference to the notion of the teacher as imparting knowledge to learner recipients. The ‘problem’ in this case is that of language, and the teacher has to involve the learners, drawing upon their senses as well as their experience. Sharing ideas and feelings can be viewed as a learner-centred approach, although the teacher needs ultimate control in directing the learning process. There has to be empathy with the learners, and communication of this whenever possible. It is also part of the teacher’s role to provide a secure learning environment in which students can develop and grow in relation to the language being acquired.

Nunan writes of the anxiety a second language learner may have, and one of CLL’s aims is to reduce this in order to maximise learning. By creating a supportive ‘community’, learners can move from dependence on the teacher to AUTONOMY. CLL is ‘the method which focuses most assiduously on building trust’ (Nunan, 1991:236).

CLL utilises group learning, in small or large groups, and the group is the ‘community’. The method generally assumes a group of homogenous language learners although it has been developed to teach more heterogeneous ones. The ‘knowers’ are those who are skilled in the target language, but this may only be the teacher in some circumstances. The learners first of all articulate what they want to say in the native language, perhaps by whispering to the teacher who then translates the learner’s sentences into the target language. The learner repeats this to other group members or tape-records it, and this can subsequently be replayed. Students repeat and record more translated sentences. The use of tape recordings is an important part of CLL methodology. Unlike AUDIOLINGUALISM, practitioners do not normally use pre-recorded material but that produced by the learners themselves. It is also to some extent spontaneous, depending on what the learners wish to know and use during the session.

The learners usually sit in a circle where everyone can see each other, with the teacher on the outside. CLL learning activities include TRANSLATION and transcription, but most themes come from the participants. They are encouraged to pay attention to the ‘overhears’ they come across between other learners and knowers. La Forge believed that all members of the group should be able to understand what the others are trying to communicate, as they are in a relationship with all other learners and not just with the teacher. After the learning activities, participants reflect on their feelings and this feedback is central. The whole process is a group interaction as well as a total person one, and how people feel is important information to be shared. This assists the ‘organic’ growth of the learner and ‘a new self of the learner is generated or born in the target language’ (La Forge, 1983:5).

There is a developmental theory of the learner in CLL. Stage one (the ‘birth stage’) compares the learner to an infant, one who is totally dependent on the knower for the new language and who has to ask for everything. In the next stage, there is a degree of independence gained, with learners beginning to find their own ‘self in the new language by employing the phrases and words they have heard and used. Stage three is described as the ‘separate-existence stage’, with more comprehension of the target language and less assistance required. There may even be some resentfulness when unsolicited help is given.

‘Adolescence’ follows, with a degree of learner independence, although the language level may still be fairly basic. The new role for the learner is to know how to gain the advanced level of linguistic knowledge from the knower. The final stage is that of independence, where the learners are refining their knowledge and can operate on their own. They may even act as counsellors to less advanced students.

At each stage of development there is not only linguistic input and skills but also cognitive and emotional tasks. These stages will involve crises for the learner, which need to be handled in cooperation with the teacher. There is also collaboration with other learners, as they all go through these sequential stages and can support each other, discussing their feelings and frustrations as well as their achievements. Without the feedback the frustration can deepen, and this may serve as a block to development as well as creating an atmosphere unconducive for learning.

There is little place in CLL for a conventional SYLLABUS, since what takes place emerges from teacher—learner interaction. A skilled practitioner, however, will be able to impose some degree of order by carefully monitoring what is happening and matching linguistic content to the level of the learners. Also, teachers must ensure that the required amount of learning is achieved as well as the sharing of feelings and feedback. The emergent syllabus is often compared to a learning contract. Similarly, there is minimal usage of set TEXTBOOKS. This would impose an order on the sessions that could impede the growth and interaction. Teaching MATERIALS often develop as the sessions evolve.

CLL can be seen as the cross-fertilisation of psychological, social and linguistic elements. Woodward writes of ‘some very interesting underlying tenets’ and of CLL being useful on teacher training courses because ‘its differences point up very clearly the assumptions behind more mainstream methods’ (Woodward, 1991:44). The shortcomings, however, mean that it is not a widely used method.

It is not suitable for all learners, with some personality types unable to benefit from the sharing environment CLL attempts to promote. Not everyone wishes to be open about his or her own feelings and anxieties. Some may feel threatened by this approach, even though there is an emphasis on providing a secure, supportive environment. Richards and Rodgers point out that ‘security is a culturally relative concept’ (1986:123). Many teachers who have worked in different countries would testify to the fact that methods accepted in the home country may cause anxiety and confusion elsewhere. CLL could provoke hostility, with some learners wishing to have language training in a more familiar, traditional manner. La Forge, conversely, recognised that too much security was also a problem, and learning might be obstructed without some hint of insecurity. Some critics question the usefulness of the counselling METAPHOR and whether this is suitable in language training.

CLL clearly requires specialist training, with dangers in this approach if the teacher is insufficiently prepared. They have to be in control of a learning situation which emerges through interaction, and be able to impose basic aims and structures. They also have to show empathy and even to act as counsellors to assist learners through their successive stages and crises. These are heavy demands and probably require a particular type of personality as well as some skills in social psychology and language training.

Other limitations relate to the lack of syllabus with a problem of EVALUATION, since aims and OBJECTIVES are not set. CLL may only be suitable for particular types of language learning and with relatively small groups. Some of the techniques, however, have influenced other methods, and CLL illustrates very clearly how non-direct, communicative learning could occur in the language classroom.
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